Richards is an American television and film writer based in Los Angeles, California. He attended Texas Christian University where he received a B.S. in Radio, Television, & Film and a minor in English.
As a television writer in Hollywood, I know a thing or two about business grinding to a halt. So earlier this month when Congress voted to remove Kevin McCarthy from his post as Speaker of the House, I noticed parallels with my own experience in the 2023 writers’ strike. It’s unnerving that working out deals between sharply opposing interests may be easier in Hollywood than in Washington. But the writers’ strike offers a few lessons for how Congress can get out of the mess it’s in.
Last May after America’s major production studios (known as the AMPTP) failed to meet the demands of the Writers Guild of America – of which I am a proud member – 98% of our union voted to authorize a strike. Writing on TV and film projects across the country froze for nearly five months until the studios and the Guild were finally able to negotiate a new contract for TV and film writers.
Congress didn’t take five months to work out a deal and get back to work, but the process was equally if not more exhausting. Three weeks and many potential candidates deep, the House began to look less like a functioning body, and more like a low-budget reenactment of Lord of the Flies, with many representatives vying for leadership only to be quickly rejected by their own party or by the full House.
But the fourth time proved to be the charm, as the Republicans finally found the votes to make Rep. Mike Johnson the new Speaker. But now we’re simply back facing all the problems we faced when this mess started. The government funding deadline is approaching quickly. The conflicts in Ukraine, Israel, and Palestine require America to act. Crucial legislation like the farm bill and the reauthorization of the Federal Aviation Administration still face big uphill battles.
And even with a Speaker, Congress has shown a penchant for dysfunction, with shenanigans like this year’s standoff over the debt ceiling and government funding. When Kevin McCarthy was first elected Speaker in January, the process took four days and 15 ballots, and he barely scraped by. Although the House finally chose a Speaker last week, the larger problems that caused this mess remain. Congress is fundamentally broken.
There is a key difference between the gridlock in Congress and the discord that led to the writer’s strike: conflict in Congress is binary, between two political parties at war with each other with a winner-take-all mentality. The entertainment industry – between its many studios, unions, and talent agencies – is multidimensional. There are many varying interests but they often find ways to work together for the good of the industry.
In contrast, Washington’s “us versus them” prevents actual work from being accomplished. Because 90% of representatives are elected in districts that are “safe” for their party, whether through gerrymandering or demographic sorting, there is little incentive for members of Congress to work with the other party. And increasingly, representatives have less incentive to work with people even within their own party.
Much of the trouble in Washington is caused by the broken way America elects Congress. We use winner-take-all elections where every district has just one representative. This is not the case in many other functioning democracies around the world. This single representative, winner-take-all system is why 90% of elections are uncompetitive. It’s also why America has only two parties that are pitted against each other.
Luckily, there is a solution to this mess.
One possible reform, called ranked-choice voting, is used by the Academy Awards to select the Oscar winners every year. In the Oscars it allows voters to rank nominees by order of preference, instead of just picking one candidate. This method allows a less polarizing, consensus winner to be chosen, rather than one that a few loved but the masses hated.
A reform like this would allow voters the option to elect more consensus representatives in the House, which in turn would hopefully lead to more cross party compromise and less demonizing of the other side.
A second reform, called Proportional Representation (PR), would allow multiple representatives to be elected in each district, in proportion to their amount of support.
So instead of one representative receiving 51% of the vote and winning 100% of that single seat, multiple candidates would compete for multiple seats. 40% of the vote would mean that a party gets about 40% of the seats, 60% of the vote would mean 60% of the seats, and so on.
With PR, not only could Democrats and Republicans compete for multiple votes, but third parties and independents could also compete without risk of “stealing” votes from the major party candidates. Having more than two parties in Congress could be beneficial as it would allow House members more groups to make deals and reach a consensus with – just like deals are made in Hollywood every single day.
That’s exactly what America needs right now – a voting system that encourages cooperation and compromise, not partisan warfare. That’s why, on top of being a television writer, I’m also proud to serve on the advisory board for Fix Our House, an organization advocating for proportional representation in U.S. House elections. Reaching this point will take time – but it’s crucial that we start having this conversation now, on Capitol Hill and around the country.
The stakes in Congress are high – much higher than the conflict that led to the writer’s strike. Congress limped its way towards choosing a Speaker. In the long run, it needs to come together and implement reforms that reduce partisanship and repair some long-standing issues in the House once and for all.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.