Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

The key to fixing political polarization is in the primaries

Opinion

Texas primary

Christine Nall and Susan Potter (left to right) celebrate after voting in the Texas primary March. They were among the small percentage of Texans who cast primary ballots this year.

Montinique Monroe/Getty Images

Zaidane is the president and CEO of Millennial Action Project.

The 80/20 rule, also known as the Pareto Principle, is a philosophy that says 80 percent of outcomes are derived from about 20 percent of activities. In business, it’s a positive and simple way to project investments and the productivity of a sales team.

In our democracy, the Pareto Principle is not a good thing.

According to a recent report, due to population dynamics and extreme partisan gerrymandering, 83 percent of congressional seats were decided by only 10 percent of eligible Americans. This powerful minority of citizens vote in primary elections. This year, over 80 percent of people did not vote in the Texas primary, meaning fewer than one in five eligible voters in Texas partook in the democratic process.

As state legislatures finish redistricting and set the political landscape for the next 10 years, it’s imperative to discuss primary reform. Not only to combat hyperpartisanship but also to increase civic participation, ensure more diverse candidate pools, and ultimately represent leadership with various experiences and points of view necessary to write effective policy and better serve the American public.


Problematically, primary voters do not reflect the demographics and ideology of the general population. For example, early primary and caucus states like Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina represent less than 4 percent of the U.S. population in presidential election years. They also underrepresent the country’s ethnic diversity, yet traditional pundits consider these states indicative of a candidate's overall strength. Furthermore, at a local level, Democratic and Republican primary voters skew older than the population in their neighborhoods and districts despite people under 40 and political Independents ranking as the largest groups in the United States. In comparison, only 7 percent of members of Congress and 5 percent of state legislators are millennials. As a result, this increases polarization because the status quo maintains its power, the most extreme candidates are pushed forward to general elections, and leaders don’t necessarily reflect the communities they serve.

The case for examining our primary system is clear. From gerrymandering to low participation, primaries can often be the nursery for democratic upheaval and unrepresentative outcomes.

Thankfully, several states are setting aside political differences and working toward systematic reform of their primary elections. At the Millennial Action Project, we believe that higher engagement among voters and elected leaders — especially young ones — can facilitate opportunities for creative problem-solving to policy issues across partisan and generational lines. Here are two initiatives worth considering:

Blanket, nonpartisan and open primaries

It’s projected that 11 million registered independent voters are excluded from primary elections due to closed systems. But not every state conducts a closed primary.

Nebraska has been using “blanket primaries” for its unicameral legislature since 1937. All candidates, regardless of party, run together in one large primary and the candidates who receive the most votes proceed to the general election, with some states allowing the top two, top four or even top five candidates to advance.

The state of Washington has been using this process for congressional, state and local elections since 2008. In 2010, California, the nation’s most populous state, followed with almost an identical system. Most recently, Alaska implemented a blanket primary system in 2020. Advocates cite an increase in candidates and turnout among independent voters when primaries are open to all voters.

Ranked-choice voting

Reforms like ranked-choice voting also put power back in the hands of the people. By removing the all-or-nothing approach in our current system, we see opportunities for consensus candidates, innovative policy ideas and coalition building.

In an RCV election, voters rank their candidates in the preferred order. However, suppose no candidate receives a majority of votes. In that case, the candidate with the least number of votes has their ballots redistributed to voters’ second- or third-rank candidates until a candidate has secured a majority. New York City’s 2021 primary analysis revealed that campaigns altered their strategies to build coalitions beyond traditional voter bases.

Additionally, voting patterns told a story in a traditional voting system. For example, Eric Adams, now mayor, won the majority of head-to-head matchups against all candidates; however, there were instances in which he was listed as a second-choice to non-institutional candidates like Andrew Yang and doubled his support. In addition, there were clear preferences for the women candidates in specific neighborhoods. The Board of Elections reported increased voter turnout, with nearly 1 million residents participating in the RCV election compared to 770,000 voters eight years prior.

Political polarization gives an illusion that society is more divided than we are. In fixing how we do primaries, we change who participates in our civic systems and create a democracy that works better for us all.


Read More

An illustration of the U.S. flag on the shape of the U.S. with blue and red figures of people across it.

Every state has its own constitution.

How State Constitutions Became the Battleground for American Rights and Liberties – on Both the Left and Right

Beyond picking governors, state legislators, local officials and representatives to serve in Congress, voters in almost every state this year will have the opportunity to amend the language of their state constitution. In one state, they could potentially rewrite the constitution altogether.

Though the U.S. Constitution is rarely amended, voters frequently amend their state constitutions. In every election cycle, voters are asked to ratify constitutional amendments.

Keep ReadingShow less
Protestors holding signs at a rally, one reads, "Trump is not above the law."

Protesters gather at a Nobody Is Above the Law rally protesting President Trump's interference in the Mueller investigation on November 08, 2018 in Washington, DC.

Larry French/Getty Images

The Double Standard Presidency: When We Watch Leaders Act Above the Law

Americans are told that no one is above the law. Yet every day, they watch a president behave in ways that would get any ordinary citizen fired, disciplined, confronted, or held accountable — and they watch some Americans excuse it. What makes this moment even more striking is that critics across the political spectrum, including conservatives, now warn that the presidency is operating on a dangerous double standard. This is not a partisan concern. It is a constitutional one. And it is tearing at the fabric of our democracy.

For generations, the Constitution has provided guardrails — separation of powers, checks and balances, oversight mechanisms, and limits on executive authority — designed to prevent any leader from functioning above the law. The framers feared concentrated power more than anything else. They believed that the presidency must be constrained not only by written law but by norms of restraint, dignity, and respect for institutions. Those norms held for centuries because presidents understood that the office was larger than any individual, and Congress understood that oversight was not optional.

Keep ReadingShow less
Study Reveals Sharp Generational Divide in How Latino Identity Influences Daily Life

Study Reveals Sharp Generational Divide in How Latino Identity Influences Daily Life

Latino immigrants and U.S.-born Latinos differ sharply in how much their identity shapes their daily lives, according to recent findings from the Pew Research Center’s 2025 National Survey of Latinos. The survey shows that Latino immigrants are far more likely than U.S.-born Latinos to say their identity is central to who they are, and that it influences their experiences in the United States. Pew researchers Gabriel Piña, Mark Hugo Lopez, Sahana Mukherjee, Dalia Fahmy, and Alexandra Cahn report that the divide reflects differences in cultural connection, lived experience, and generational distance from immigrant roots.

Pew’s analysis finds that Latino immigrants are significantly more likely to say their origins are central to their identity, while U.S.-born Latinos — especially those in the third generation or higher — are less likely to feel that connection. The report notes that “U.S. Hispanics are divided on whether their identity helps or hurts them in America,” with some respondents describing their Latino identity as a source of pride and connection, and others saying it is tied to discrimination or barriers.

Keep ReadingShow less
A Democracy Cannot Run on an AI Model

Clerk Matthew Sandbar, 34, demonstrates part of the ballot-sorting process to members of the media attending a walkthrough of the Philadelphia Ballot Processing Center used to process the ballots of the 2022 US midterm elections, in Philadelphia on October 27, 2022.

Photo by Ryan Collerd / AFP via Getty Images

A Democracy Cannot Run on an AI Model

Tallying the results of Washington, DC’s first ranked-choice election in June took about 10 days—longer than many voters are used to. In an age when artificial intelligence can generate an answer in seconds, waiting days for election results can feel old-fashioned, inefficient, even suspicious. And it is about to matter far more widely. This November, 17 states, cities, and counties will use ranked-choice voting, including Maine and Alaska statewide, in races that could help decide control of Congress. More voters than ever will watch results take days to resolve, and more will be asked to trust a count they cannot see.

But that slowness may be one of its most democratic features.

Keep ReadingShow less