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Fighting voter suppression will take coordination and commitment

Opinion

voter registration

Voter registration is the first of three phases of the voting process.

Robert Nickelsberg/Getty Images

Goldstone’s most recent book is "On Account of Race: The Supreme Court, White Supremacy, and the Ravaging of African American Voting Rights."

In a previous column, I wrote that despite new state laws aimed at suppressing voter turnout and the likelihood that the Supreme Court will dance past all but the most egregious abuses, it has become almost impossible to prevent a motivated, determined American, educated in the process, from both registering to vote and then casting a legitimate ballot.

The traditional means of voter suppression, such as poll taxes, literacy tests and grandfather clauses, are outlawed; the newer methods — enhanced identification requirements, for example — can make voting maddeningly cumbersome but not prevent it. Still, many Americans, no matter how motivated and determined, will need support in order to navigate the increasingly Byzantine environment created by those who would forgo even the veneer of democracy to maintain minority rule.


Minority rule was built into the Constitution with two senators per state and the Electoral College, and has been the norm for virtually the entirety of American history. But since its founding, the United States has been moving slowly and haltingly toward inclusion, removing such bars to voting as race, gender and property ownership. Now, however, for the first time in more than two centuries, there is a serious effort to reverse that progress.

There are three phases of the voting process — registration, casting ballots, and ensuring they are properly counted and recorded — and each has its own set of challenges.To ensure that everyone who intends to vote can remain registered, the first step is to identify those whose registration may be in jeopardy because of changes in state law, a demographic disproportionally elderly and Black or Brown. For these Americans, it is vital that they have proper identification, a valid current address, signatures that match the voting rolls and, if they have not voted recently, proper re-registration. Conservatives are counting on many of these voters, particularly the elderly, being unaware of changes in the law that would potentially disenfranchise them.

There are ample examples of how those who believe in honest elections can counterattack. Groups such as Stacey Abrams’s Fair Fight Action have had success in not only locating potentially disenfranchised voters but also in ensuring that their right to vote will not be rescinded. Grassroots organizations with similar goals exist throughout the nation, as do motivated religious leaders, but they need money and resources to succeed. Some form of national coordination for fundraising, with local groups deciding what strategy would work for them, would be optimal, but local groups can achieve a great deal by merely organizing within their communities.

The courts will be of little help. While it is possible that some judges will attempt to strike down some of the more transparent attempts to limit voter registration, the Supreme Court has shown little appetite to intrude on the right of states to set their own voting rules, even if they seem to be obviously in violation of the 14th and 15th amendments.

For the second stage of the process (casting ballots) and the third (ensuring that those ballots are properly counted), many of the battles will be in the courts. Where the first wave of new laws focused on inhibiting registration, more recent efforts, such as those in Texas and Georgia, are aimed at limiting voter turnout by closing polling stations, restricting mail-in or absentee balloting, or reducing the number of days in which voters can cast ballots. These laws target urban centers and especially neighborhoods with a large percentage of Black residents.

With options limited, casting a ballot could well involve extensive waits on long lines moving at glacial speed. Since Election Day is not a holiday in many states, conservatives hope that many African Americans will be unable or unwilling to risk their employment by taking an entire day off in order to vote. Community and religious leaders, therefore, should pressure local businesses to make Election Day a paid holiday, or at least stagger working hours so that employees have ample time to wait in line. Early voting, while restricted, will still exist, so advocates should encourage as many as possible to cast their votes before Election Day. Those who need absentee ballots must be informed of the updated rules for requesting them. Finally, voting lines need to be surveilled to ensure that those waiting to vote are not subject to intimidation, either by self-styled “patriots,” such as the Proud Boys, or by antagonistic voting officials.

Where abuses are noted, lawyers must be available to instantly seek injunctions. The courts may be of more help here, as most jurisdictions contain at least some judges who take a dim view of voter intimidation. The Supreme Court, less likely to rule on behalf of disenfranchised voters, will be unlikely to be involved in disputes over state jurisdiction.

Many of these steps have been taken in the past and are planned for the future, but an ad hoc, slapdash approach will not be fully effective against a ruthless and implacable foe. Once again, what is needed is a national effort, either under the aegis of a political party or an expansion of groups such as Fair Fight, to recruit, coordinate and fundraise for what will require many volunteers and a good deal of money. Community groups, religious leaders, local officials, and even businesses and corporations can and should play a part.

After the votes are cast, conservatives have embarked on a concerted campaign to make tallying them up a subjective rather than an objective exercise. While the threat that political hacks or right-wing ideologues will simply void an actual vote and substitute their own result is real, the total failure in the courts of pro-Trump lawsuits in 2020 would indicate that here, at least, even the conservatives on the Supreme Court have drawn the line. In addition, in those states that have allowed outsiders to observe the vote counting process, pro-democracy forces can be every bit as aggressive as their opponents.

In the end, it will take more than a village to ensure honest elections — it will take an army. Americans must come to the realization that democracy must be earned, and likely earned more than once. It is sad that elections in the United States have come to resemble those in third world nations trying to implement democracy after generations of dictatorship, but if the majority is to finally have its voice heard in our government, perhaps that comparison is more apt than most Americans would like to believe.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

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Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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