Goldstone’s most recent book is "On Account of Race: The Supreme Court, White Supremacy, and the Ravaging of African American Voting Rights."
In a previous column, I wrote that despite new state laws aimed at suppressing voter turnout and the likelihood that the Supreme Court will dance past all but the most egregious abuses, it has become almost impossible to prevent a motivated, determined American, educated in the process, from both registering to vote and then casting a legitimate ballot.
The traditional means of voter suppression, such as poll taxes, literacy tests and grandfather clauses, are outlawed; the newer methods — enhanced identification requirements, for example — can make voting maddeningly cumbersome but not prevent it. Still, many Americans, no matter how motivated and determined, will need support in order to navigate the increasingly Byzantine environment created by those who would forgo even the veneer of democracy to maintain minority rule.
Minority rule was built into the Constitution with two senators per state and the Electoral College, and has been the norm for virtually the entirety of American history. But since its founding, the United States has been moving slowly and haltingly toward inclusion, removing such bars to voting as race, gender and property ownership. Now, however, for the first time in more than two centuries, there is a serious effort to reverse that progress.
There are three phases of the voting process — registration, casting ballots, and ensuring they are properly counted and recorded — and each has its own set of challenges.To ensure that everyone who intends to vote can remain registered, the first step is to identify those whose registration may be in jeopardy because of changes in state law, a demographic disproportionally elderly and Black or Brown. For these Americans, it is vital that they have proper identification, a valid current address, signatures that match the voting rolls and, if they have not voted recently, proper re-registration. Conservatives are counting on many of these voters, particularly the elderly, being unaware of changes in the law that would potentially disenfranchise them.
There are ample examples of how those who believe in honest elections can counterattack. Groups such as Stacey Abrams’s Fair Fight Action have had success in not only locating potentially disenfranchised voters but also in ensuring that their right to vote will not be rescinded. Grassroots organizations with similar goals exist throughout the nation, as do motivated religious leaders, but they need money and resources to succeed. Some form of national coordination for fundraising, with local groups deciding what strategy would work for them, would be optimal, but local groups can achieve a great deal by merely organizing within their communities.
The courts will be of little help. While it is possible that some judges will attempt to strike down some of the more transparent attempts to limit voter registration, the Supreme Court has shown little appetite to intrude on the right of states to set their own voting rules, even if they seem to be obviously in violation of the 14th and 15th amendments.
For the second stage of the process (casting ballots) and the third (ensuring that those ballots are properly counted), many of the battles will be in the courts. Where the first wave of new laws focused on inhibiting registration, more recent efforts, such as those in Texas and Georgia, are aimed at limiting voter turnout by closing polling stations, restricting mail-in or absentee balloting, or reducing the number of days in which voters can cast ballots. These laws target urban centers and especially neighborhoods with a large percentage of Black residents.
With options limited, casting a ballot could well involve extensive waits on long lines moving at glacial speed. Since Election Day is not a holiday in many states, conservatives hope that many African Americans will be unable or unwilling to risk their employment by taking an entire day off in order to vote. Community and religious leaders, therefore, should pressure local businesses to make Election Day a paid holiday, or at least stagger working hours so that employees have ample time to wait in line. Early voting, while restricted, will still exist, so advocates should encourage as many as possible to cast their votes before Election Day. Those who need absentee ballots must be informed of the updated rules for requesting them. Finally, voting lines need to be surveilled to ensure that those waiting to vote are not subject to intimidation, either by self-styled “patriots,” such as the Proud Boys, or by antagonistic voting officials.
Where abuses are noted, lawyers must be available to instantly seek injunctions. The courts may be of more help here, as most jurisdictions contain at least some judges who take a dim view of voter intimidation. The Supreme Court, less likely to rule on behalf of disenfranchised voters, will be unlikely to be involved in disputes over state jurisdiction.
Many of these steps have been taken in the past and are planned for the future, but an ad hoc, slapdash approach will not be fully effective against a ruthless and implacable foe. Once again, what is needed is a national effort, either under the aegis of a political party or an expansion of groups such as Fair Fight, to recruit, coordinate and fundraise for what will require many volunteers and a good deal of money. Community groups, religious leaders, local officials, and even businesses and corporations can and should play a part.
After the votes are cast, conservatives have embarked on a concerted campaign to make tallying them up a subjective rather than an objective exercise. While the threat that political hacks or right-wing ideologues will simply void an actual vote and substitute their own result is real, the total failure in the courts of pro-Trump lawsuits in 2020 would indicate that here, at least, even the conservatives on the Supreme Court have drawn the line. In addition, in those states that have allowed outsiders to observe the vote counting process, pro-democracy forces can be every bit as aggressive as their opponents.
In the end, it will take more than a village to ensure honest elections — it will take an army. Americans must come to the realization that democracy must be earned, and likely earned more than once. It is sad that elections in the United States have come to resemble those in third world nations trying to implement democracy after generations of dictatorship, but if the majority is to finally have its voice heard in our government, perhaps that comparison is more apt than most Americans would like to believe.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.