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A Passionate Call for More Hill Policy Experts

During two decades representing suburban New Jersey in the House, Democrat Bill Pascrell Jr. has never been known as an outspoken advocate for addressing the institutional weaknesses of Congress. (He's focused instead on addressing blue-collar concerns about taxes and health care on the Ways and means Committee.) But he uncorked a fiery and very much worth reading op-ed in Sunday's Washington Post.

Headlined "Why is Congress so dumb?," it articulates a point of view that's not popular outside the Beltway but is widely shared by people who see the legislative branch as having shriveled in the past quarter-century: Congress would be able to stand up to presidents more forcefully, and repel special interests more consistently, if it spent more to cultivate its own internal experts.


He's hoping the new Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress makes that a top recommendation, concluding: "After decades of disinvesting in itself, Congress has become captured by outside interests and partisans. Lawmakers should be guided by independent scholars, researchers and policy specialists. We must recognize our difficulties in comprehending an impossibly complex world."


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Voting rights groups hail SCOTUS decision on ballot grace period

California sends mail-in ballots to all registered voters unless they opt out.

(Adobe Stock)

Voting rights groups hail SCOTUS decision on ballot grace period

Voting rights experts are praising a U.S. Supreme Court decision Monday, which upheld a state’s right to set a grace period for counting mail-in ballots arriving after Election Day, as long as they were postmarked on time.

The challengers to Mississippi’s grace period argued accepting ballots after Election Day threatens election integrity. Supporters of the decision said the U.S. Constitution delegates election administration to the states.

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America at 250: The Next Expansion of the American Promise
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America at 250: The Next Expansion of the American Promise

As the United States approaches its 250th year, we are returning to a ritual as old as the republic itself: the work of taking stock — of measuring the country we have inherited against the country we were promised.

Some look at America today and see a nation in decline, divided by politics, frayed by distrust, unsettled by economic anxiety. Others see its enduring strengths — its genius for invention, its long habit of self-correction, its singular capacity to begin again. Both are describing the same country. For America has never been a finished thing. It has been, from the start, an argument we are still having with ourselves about who belongs.

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