Clements is president of American Promise and has practiced law in state and federal courts since 1988. He was a partner at Mintz Levin and in his own firm in Boston, before serving as Assistant Attorney General & Chief of the Public Protection Bureau in the Massachusetts Attorney General’s Office.
“Tipping point.” We’re hearing that phrase a lot these days.
In 2015, I spent months holed up in conference rooms with my friend John Wass. We were whiteboarding out what would become American Promise and our 10-year strategy to unite Americans behind fundamental reform of our political system. John has one of those Princeton/MIT brains, and the whiteboard quickly filled with the strange phrases of complex systems theory: “Non-linearity.” “Perturbations.” “Emergent properties.” And, of course, “tipping point.”
American society and politics are complex systems. So are pandemics, global banking, beehives, and lots of other things, big and small. Systems are everywhere, and systems thinking helps our understanding of how systems work and change.
Systems theory is at the core of American Promise’s strategy to win the For Our Freedom constitutional amendment to fix the number 1 reason why American democracy is threatened now: the systemic corruption of unaccountable money that drives our elections and government.
In the past few years, millions of Americans have voted in American Promise ballot initiatives, gathered signatures at state fairs and farmers markets, met with their lawmakers at citizen lobby days, posted on social media, or traveled to our annual National Citizens Leadership Conferences or local events. None of them needed to know anything about systems theory to help make a better America out of the mess of today. But whether we know nothing else about systems, we probably have heard the phrase “tipping point.”
John and I knew our constitutional amendment strategy would be met with skepticism from some who think constitutional amendments are impossible. But we also knew that constitutional amendments have always followed classic tipping point models. Or as Congressman Jamie Raskin said at one of our Conferences, we knew that American Promise could help shift the For Our Freedom Amendment “from impossible to inevitable.”
Seven years later, signs of tipping point are unmistakable. Seven out of ten Americans now believe that American democracy is under grave threat, and 86% identify money in politics as the top reason for that. For the first time ever, Pew Research reports that “reducing money in politics” is at the top of priorities that Americans want the President and Congress to act on now; it’s a higher priority than nearly everything else, including crime, immigration, budget deficits, and the climate crisis.
In Congress, a large group has reintroduced a constitutional amendment to enable regulation of money used to influence elections. It has close to 200 supporters in the House and fifty in the Senate. Yes, these are mostly Democrats but now Republicans are leading the amendment effort in the states. Seriously, even the New York Times has noticed.
Or just ask Rick Bennett, Republican State Senator in Maine, who is leading the Protect Maine Elections ballot campaign, a top American Promise initiative this year. Or listen to another Republican, Jim Rubens, a former New Hampshire State Senator, and current American Promise board member. You can see him live from CPAC on Newsmax last month.
Better yet, talk with American Promise volunteers in Brown County, Wisconsin, which just became the latest of nearly 1000 cities, towns and counties to enact formal resolutions calling for Congress to pass the anti-corruption constitutional amendment. Brown County voted for Mitt Romney for President in 2012, Donald Trump in 2016, and Donald Trump in 2020. The American Promise resolution won with 92% support.
Or just ask any American who has paid the high cost of systemic corruption infesting the crypto/investment world, our banking, healthcare, energy, food, and environmental systems.
In another sign of a tipping point, the Brennan Center for Justice, longtime amendment skeptics, held a symposium, Constitutional Amendments: Time to Rethink, last month in New York. I participated, along with some leading law scholars and New York Times editorial board member Jesse Wegman, who noted the sharp shift in prospects for constitutional reform.
Pessimists are still in the media to say nothing will change but now the media, like Newsmax, the New York Times, and NBC New s, are calling American Promise to see what we think. Unlike the pessimists, we have receipts. American Promise has the evidence from Americans across the country who have helped drive 22 states to take action to formally demand that Congress pass the amendment and return it to the states for ratification.
Our Constitution largely derives from four brief “amendment eras” that have recurred roughly every 50 years. These were tipping point moments.
More than 40% of today’s Constitution was not part of the original document. Literally, not symbolically, the Constitution that opens with “We the People” comes from the people. It comes from the people who push amendments through the arduous Article V process of a ⅔ vote in Congress and ratification in ¾ of the states to adapt the Constitution to better serve freedom and justice. Fifty years after Americans ratified four constitutional amendments in less than ten years, a new amendment era may be upon us.
Tipping points rapidly transform complex systems under sustained, multi-factor stresses. From a non-human perspective, tipping points and transformation are neutral. A hurricane, volcano, war, or Great Depression are simply new conditions of complex systems. But from a human perspective, they are catastrophic. Tipping points also can transform conditions rapidly to be much better. Think of life expectancy, public health, and the rise of the middle class in the last century.
With American democracy and society under severe stress, tipping points will cause rapid transformation whether we like it or not. American Promise seeks to be an engine of service, hope, and action for every American to help make sure we can shape tipping point opportunities to transform to a much better state, rather than to something catastrophically worse.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.