In the quest for civic success stories, the very last place to look might appear to be climate news. The best efforts of the United Nations Climate Change Conference will not be enough to avert the worst effects of warming, scientists say.
Little wonder youth climate activist Greta Thunberg has dismissed the COP26 global summit in Glasgow as "a green wash festival" and "a failure." But the derision of Thunberg and thousands of other young COP26 protesters is precisely what makes the summit a potential turning point. Shifting politics and coalitions, new players and new narratives all cut against the inevitable parade of stories predicting climate doom.
Here are a few pieces of good climate news worth noting, for the sake of building the political will to press ahead with the real solutions that remain within reach. As former President Barack Obama cautioned at the summit, even as he acknowledged that the future can look bleak, "cynicism is the recourse of cowards. We can't afford hopelessness."
The politics of hope
Scientists have been the first to throw cold water on the lofty pledges made in Glasgow, pointing out that world leaders' commitments to zero out emissions are not ambitious or immediate enough to limit warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, or 2.7 degrees Fahrenheit. That is the target considered essential to avoid disastrous sea-level rise, heat waves and ecosystem collapse.
Yet even scientists have derived hope from changing climate politics. At the first U.N. climate summit in 1995, The Washington Post noted, Green parties were written off as fringe activists. Green parties in Europe are now mainstream, having won about 10 percent of seats in the European Parliament's most recent elections. In the United States, 60 percent of people now call climate change a major threat, a near-20-point shift since 2013.
Today, as the world reels from unrelenting natural disasters, "no one is questioning the science, no one is questioning that the crisis is happening," Annika Hedberg, who leads sustainability research at the European Policy Center, told The Post. "The debate is around what can be done and at what speed. This is a positive thing — we're not questioning the science but the measures."
Youth power
Youth climate activists' speeches were "the best part"of the COP26 summit, according to the sustainability news site Green Matters, and arguably the most important. Youth activists who made their voices heard in Glasgow included Mikaela Loach, a U.K.-based activist who said climate and justice cannot be separated, Vanessa Nakate, who described how decreased rainfall has devastated crops in her native Uganda, and Kenya-based Elizabeth Wathuti, who warned that Africa's deadly heat waves, wildfires and floods are just beginning.
All three dramatized their stories with emotional appeals, a tactic that legendary conservationist Jane Goodall calls crucial to environmental activism. "Being angry and pointing fingers, you won't get anywhere," Goodall has said. "You just have to reach people's hearts. And the best way I know is to tell stories. My job now is to try and help people understand every one of us makes a difference. And cumulatively, wise choices in how we act each day can begin to change the world."
A commanding coalition
Young people may have the most at stake in the climate debate — the average 6 year old will live through triple the number of climate disasters as their grandparents, a recent study found — but they were hardly the only ones protesting in Glasgow. Indeed, the climate movement is becoming a political force building coalitions across causes from economic inequity to civil rights.
The estimated 100,000 protesters who gathered in Glasgow were joined by activists in Paris, London, and some 200 other locations around the world. Among the most visible and vocal were youth activists with "Fridays for Future," the international movement built around school walkouts launched by Thunberg when she was just 15. But now Thunberg is 18, and she and her fellow students are poised to win fresh influence as adult voters and soon-to-be influence leaders.
And as the climate movement comes of age, it is becoming something of an umbrella campaign for a broad array of progressive causes. Activists in Glasgow included Black rural residents in Brazil concerned about how mining is affecting indigenous communities, vegan activists and social justice advocates opposed to police brutality.
A potent partnership may be emerging between climate activists and labor organizers, who have gained new leverage in this season of strikes and wage demands. Stuart Graham, a Glasgow trade union official and one of the protest organizers, told The New York Times that his top concerns include improving the city's housing stock and boosting free public transportation. "It's critical that we have a civil society with a powerful voice to hold these leaders to account," Graham said.
The shared interests of environmental and labor activists may hold the key to whether global leaders step up the pace on climate action in time to avert disaster. Too often, environmental debates have descended into fights over jobs versus conservation. Obama urged protesters in Glasgow to "stay angry," but also to "build the broad-based coalitions necessary for bold action." The Glasgow protests, in a final bit of good news, hint at the potential to bridge the longstanding worker-environmentalist divide.




















U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivers a keynote speech at the 62nd Munich Security Conference on Saturday, Feb. 14, 2026, in Munich, Germany.
Marco Rubio is the only adult left in the room
Finally free from the demands of being chief archivist of the United States, secretary of state, national security adviser and unofficial viceroy of Venezuela, Marco Rubio made his way to the Munich Security Conference last weekend to deliver a major address.
I shouldn’t make fun. Rubio, unlike so many major figures in this administration, is a bona fide serious person. Indeed, that’s why President Trump keeps piling responsibilities on him. Rubio knows what he’s talking about and cares about policy. He is hardly a free agent; Trump is still president after all. But in an administration full of people willing to act like social media trolls, Rubio stands out for being serious. And I welcome that.
But just because Rubio made a serious argument, that doesn’t mean it was wholly persuasive. Part of his goal was to repair some of the damage done by his boss, who not long ago threatened to blow up the North Atlantic alliance by snatching Greenland away from Denmark. Rubio’s conciliatory language was welcome, but it hardly set things right.
Whether it was his intent or not, Rubio had more success in offering a contrast with Vice President JD Vance, who used the Munich conference last year as a platform to insult allies and provide fan service to his followers on X. Rubio’s speech was the one Vance should have given, if the goal was to offer a serious argument about Trump’s “vision” for the Western alliance. I put “vision” in scare quotes because it’s unclear to me that Trump actually has one, but the broader MAGA crowd is desperate to construct a coherent theory of their case.
So what’s that case? That Western Civilization is a real thing, America is not only part of it but also its leader, and it will do the hard things required to fix it.
In Rubio’s story, America and Europe embraced policies in the 1990s that amounted to the “managed decline” of the West. European governments were free riders on America’s military might and allowed their defense capabilities to atrophy as they funded bloated welfare states and inefficient regulatory regimes. Free trade, mass migration and an infatuation with “the rules-based global order” eroded national sovereignty, undermined the “cohesion of our societies” and fueled the “de-industrialization” of our economies. The remedy for these things? Reversing course on those policies and embracing the hard reality that strength and power drive events on the global stage.
“The fundamental question we must answer at the outset is what exactly are we defending,” Rubio said, “because armies do not fight for abstractions. Armies fight for a people; armies fight for a nation. Armies fight for a way of life.”
I agree with some of this — to a point. And, honestly, given how refreshing it is to hear a grown-up argument from this administration, it feels churlish to quibble.
But, for starters, the simple fact is that Western Civilization is an abstraction, and so are nations and peoples. And that’s fine. Abstractions — like love, patriotism, moral principles, justice — are really important. Our “way of life” is largely defined and understood through abstractions: freedom, the American dream, democracy, etc. What is the “Great” in Make America Great Again, if not an abstraction?
This is important because the administration’s defenders ridicule or dismiss any principled objection critics raise as fastidious gitchy-goo eggheadery. Trump tramples the rule of law, pardons cronies, tries to steal an election and violates free market principles willy-nilly. And if you complain, it’s because you’re a goody-goody fool.
As White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller said not long ago, “we live in a world … that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power. These are the iron laws of the world that have existed since the beginning of time.” Rubio said it better, but it’s the same idea.
There are other problems with Rubio’s story. At the start of the 1990s, the EU’s economy was 9% bigger than ours. In 2025 we were nearly twice as rich as Europe. If Europe was “ripping us off,” they have a funny way of showing it. America hasn’t “deindustrialized.” The manufacturing sector has grown during all of this decline, though not as much as the service sector, where we are a behemoth. We have shed manufacturing jobs, but that has more to do with automation than immigration. Moreover, the trends Rubio describes are not unique to America. Manufacturing tends to shrink as countries get richer.
That’s an important point because Rubio, like his boss, blames all of our economic problems on bad politicians and pretends that good politicians can fix them through sheer force of will.
I think Rubio is wrong, but I salute him for making his case seriously.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.