In this edition of #ListenFirstFriday, the 17-year-old founder of YAP Politics discusses efforts to bridge the polarizations between political affiliations.
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Kids and families celebrate the US Bicentennial near the New York Harbor in Lower Manhattan. Taken on July 4, 1976 in New York City, New York.
(Photo by David Attie/Getty Images.)
July 4th and the American Faith We’ve Watched Slip Away
Jun 20, 2026
I was a girl in Philadelphia in the summer when America turned 200. The birthplace of America was electric in a way I've never forgotten — crowds stretching from the art museum steps down to the Delaware River, each city block corded off for parades, cookouts, celebrations, and the kind of noise that felt like belonging.
It was also, I know now, a particular kind of American moment — one that required something beyond good weather and a long weekend. It required a belief that the country and its highest office still belonged to all of us.
Back in 1976, we were not, by any measure, a country at ease. Unemployment hovered near 7.5 percent. Inflation had only recently retreated from double digits. The man who'd held the presidency before Gerald Ford had resigned in disgrace two years earlier.
We had every reason to feel hollowed out. And yet. There was something unbroken in that crowd. Whatever people thought of their government, and plenty thought very little of it, they believed the country was still theirs.
That feeling had a name. It was civic trust, the quiet, background assumption that whatever failures or corruptions touched the men in office, the office itself still pointed toward something larger than any one man's ambition.
On the eve of this Fourth of July, I find myself back in that memory, and I cannot shake the distance between then and now.
The surface numbers are, in some ways, better than in 1976. Unemployment currently sits at around 4.2 percent. Inflation, while persistent, is nowhere near the double-digit nightmare of the late seventies.
But numbers have never been the whole story, and this year the story underneath is one I don't know how to celebrate around.
Since taking office, President Donald Trump's personal wealth has grown by at least $1.4 billion. He accepted a Boeing 747 worth roughly $400 million from the Qatari government. He launched a cryptocurrency venture that, according to a House Judiciary Committee report, generated as much as $11.6 billion in holdings — while his administration was quietly dismantling federal oversight of the industry.
And then, last month, he did something that may be without precedent in the history of American self-dealing. Trump sued his own Internal Revenue Service (IRS) over the unauthorized release of his tax returns — and then, before the case could even be heard on the merits, his Justice Department settled it on his behalf.
The price of settlement: a Department of Justice (DOJ) addendum declaring the federal government “forever barred and precluded” from auditing any tax return filed by Trump, his sons, his family, or more than 500 affiliated business entities before May 18, 2026.
An ongoing IRS audit that could have resulted in a $100 million penalty against the Trump Organization simply vanished. Legal experts called it unprecedented. Senate Democrats called it a potential violation of federal law.
When asked about his family's financial entanglements, Trump told the New York Times: “I found out nobody cared, and I'm allowed to.”
In 1976, that sentence would have ended a presidency. It ended one —in fact, just two years before—though the crime was different.
What Richard Nixon understood, to his ruin, was that there were still lines. That the office did not belong to the man who held it. Gerald Ford, whatever his failures, knew this. Jimmy Carter, who would take the oath six months after that Philadelphia summer, put his peanut farm in a blind trust.
The question of self-dealing was essentially rhetorical, because the expectation that a president served the country — not himself — was foundational.
What's been taken from us isn't a policy position. It's not something the next election can simply restore, though elections still matter enormously.
What's been taken is the assumption of good faith — the idea, however naïve it may now seem, that the person holding the most powerful office on earth was pointed, even imperfectly, toward the public good rather than his own balance sheet.
The fireworks will still go up on the 250th birthday. Family, friends, and neighbors will gather. There will be plenty of flags flying.
But I keep thinking about that girl in Philadelphia, pressed into a crowd of strangers who all felt, despite everything, like they were celebrating something they shared.
I'm not sure I know what we share now, except, perhaps, the grief of knowing what we've lost, and the long work of getting it back.
Lynn Schmidt is a columnist and Editorial Board member with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. She holds a master's of science in political science as well as a bachelor's of science in nursing.
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A pro-Trump mob enters the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol Building on January 6, 2021 in Washington, DC. Congress held a joint session today to ratify President-elect Joe Biden's 306-232 Electoral College win over President Donald Trump.
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MAGA’s Get Out of Jail Free Card
Jun 16, 2026
We have never lived through a better era to be a criminal, provided your political fealty is directed toward the right person. If you are an executive facing fraud charges or a perpetrator of violent offenses, the standard calculations of the penal code may no longer apply as long as you support Donald Trump. If you’re Team Trump, the machinery of the state will actively dismantle itself to protect you. If not, good luck to you.
The Trump regime’s message is now unmistakable: rules do not apply to MAGA. Consider the recent saga of the U.S. Army pilots who took two AH-64 Apache attack helicopters on an unauthorized detour to perform a low-altitude flyby of washed-up rocker and MAGA ally Kid Rock’s Nashville home. As a former military helicopter pilot and aircraft commander, let me be clear: this is exactly the kind of stunt we are taught never to do. If I had pulled something like that, there would have been legitimate grounds to take my wings away. Instead, when the Army suspended the crew pending a standard safety and regulatory review, as is the proper procedure, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth intervened personally, bypassing standard military discipline to announce on X: “Thank you @KidRock. @USArmy pilots suspension LIFTED. No punishment. No investigation. Carry on, patriots.” Their rule breaking was catalogued as patriotic.
Trump has consistently used the power of his office to protect his ideological allies. By issuing pardons to those who attacked the Capitol and attempting to institute a multi-billion-dollar weaponization slush fund to pay out reparations to insurrectionists and other political loyalists, Trump’s dog whistle sounds like an invitation to commit future crimes in his name. The presidential pardon power, historically preserved as a tool for mercy and the correction of systemic judicial errors, has been converted into a personalized tool of patronage.
Trump hardly seems to care who he pardons as long as he believes them to be an ally. For instance, when asked why he pardoned Changpeng Zhao, a man convicted for money-laundering violations that helped terrorists and other criminals, Trump replied: “I don’t know. He was recommended...” In fact, Zhao helped Trump launch his own stablecoin. This cavalier approach to forgiving his favorite criminals is feckless and reckless. One pardoned January 6th rioter has already gone on to molest two children whom he then attempted to silence with promised hush money that “he [hoped] to get from [the] slush fund.” Another was given a job at the Pentagon.
While this regime systematically insulates its allies, it is concurrently manufacturing new categories of criminality to target perceived enemies. Under National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 (NSPM-7), veiled as countering domestic terrorism, Trump has weaponized federal law enforcement infrastructure with overbroad powers to go after civil society groups, nonprofits, donors, activists, and even “leftist influencers.” With Trump in charge, the wealthy and well-connected are routinely let off the hook while actual victims of the system find no such reprieve; now, those resisting Trump are all the more likely to become victims, too. As true criminal justice reform is frozen out, ordinary defendants will face the full, unyielding weight of the legal meat grinder.
Competence and adherence to the law have been replaced by compliance. President Kennedy’s famous Inaugural quote could be rewritten: Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for Donald Trump personally. Cabinet meetings have famously assumed a cult-like quality, where members rotate kissing up to Trump in such excess that the New York Times found that at least one in every six sentences offered him flattering praise. As MS NOW wrote, “Somewhere, Kim Jong-un could be heard saying, ‘Jeez, I think you guys are overdoing it a bit.’” Whether in North Korea or in the United States, replacing experts with sycophants at the highest levels of leadership leads to terrible consequences.
Trump is gifting appointments to his unqualified cronies at the expense of our national security. Secretary Lutnick (who engaged in intimate business deals with Epstein years after Epstein’s first conviction, planned family vacations to his private island, and lied about it) has connections to the stablecoin Tether, the primary vehicle Russian oligarchs use to move sanctioned Iranian oil to China. Secretary Hegseth breached security protocol in his second month on the job and is committing war crimes around the globe.
Now, take William J. Pulte, a real estate heir with a history of using his position at a federal mortgage agency to make criminal fraud referrals against Trump’s political adversaries. The man has zero national security, military, or traditional intelligence experience, yet Trump named him Acting Director of National Intelligence, where he will oversee a network of 18 agencies, including the CIA and the NSA. Even Republicans revolted over the choice, forcing Trump to quickly nominate a permanent replacement, but Pulte holds the role until Trump’s new pick, Jay Clayton, is confirmed by the Senate. Clayton, naturally, has appeared on CNBC several times to argue on Trump’s behalf, even defending the slush fund. I’m a veteran Navy pilot who used to get regular intel briefings; I understand the necessity of experience in this role. The idea that either of these bootlicking hacks will serve as the principal adviser on intelligence issues—for any amount of time—is insulting and incredibly irresponsible.
This dangerous loyaltocracy may have culminated in the nomination of Todd Blanche to serve as Attorney General. Blanche, who served as Trump’s personal criminal defense lawyer, has openly stated that the president has a right and duty to direct the DOJ to target specific individuals, shattering the post-Watergate norm of an independent, impartial justice department. He also recently said at a press conference, “I love working for President Trump. It's the greatest honor of a lifetime…[If he] asks me to go do something else, I will say thank you very much - I love you, sir.” Public declarations of love to the President may get you a Cabinet position these days, but if the nation’s top law enforcement official is operating under a mandate of total personal fealty, “equal justice under law” has become a dead letter.
Trump’s favor is the new golden ticket. Praise the administration and even lawbreaking may be overlooked with a “carry on, patriot,” a pardon, a promotion, or an appointment to high office. If you criticize Trump, however, your First Amendment-protected speech could be labeled domestic terrorism, and the federal government may be instructed to prosecute you. These are high stakes. When the law becomes an asymmetric weapon, it ceases to be law at all—and our democracy starts looking a lot more like an autocracy. So, call your reps, demand accountability, and don’t stop advocating for justice. But also, make sure you’re writing everything down. One day, there will be legal proceedings on these matters. Be ready to testify.
Julie Roland was a Naval Officer for ten years, deploying to both the South China Sea and the Persian Gulf as a helicopter pilot before separating in June 2025 as a Lieutenant Commander. She has a law degree from the University of San Diego, a Master of Laws from Columbia University, and is a member of the Truman National Security Project.
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Democracy Awards Honor Bipartisan Excellence in Congressional Service
Jun 14, 2026
Now in their ninth year, the Democracy Awards are the Congressional Management Foundation’s (CMF) flagship program recognizing excellence in non-legislative achievement on Capitol Hill. Founded in 1977, CMF is the premier bipartisan 501(c)(3) foundation dedicated to strengthening the First Branch by providing Members of Congress and their staff with hands-on, actionable support and essential resources that help them govern effectively, better serve constituents, and strengthen the institution. Across seven categories, these bipartisan awards honor Members of Congress and their staff for outstanding public service and contributions to strengthening the First Branch.
Each year, following an open self-nomination season, one Democratic office and one Republican office are recognized in each award category, along with four recipients of the Chief of Staff of the Year award. Applications for the 2026 season opened in late January, and throughout the spring, CMF conducted 47 interviews across 45 congressional offices from a pool of 154 applications. Winners were selected by an independent panel in May and will be honored at both a Winner’s luncheon in June and a formal ceremony in Washington, D.C. in July. Through this process, the Democracy Awards shine a light on the exceptional work taking place on Capitol Hill that too often goes unnoticed.
Award categories include:
Best of Constituent Service
- Winning this category indicates outstanding attention to detail, empathy, and persistence in solving constituent requests.
Best of Constituent Experience in D.C.
- The winners of this category will have demonstrated outstanding hospitality, responsiveness, and dedication to creating a positive and meaningful experience for constituents on Capitol Hill.
Best of Constituent Correspondence & Engagement
- A winner in this category will have demonstrated excellence in transparency, responsiveness, and fostering an ongoing and open dialogue between elected officials and the communities they serve.
Best of Innovation & Modernization
- Whether through technology, workflows, or new procedural methods, this award showcases innovation that has driven meaningful improvements, making the congressional office more responsive, efficient, and modernized in its work.
Best of Bipartisan Collaboration
- The winners of this award will have shown that meaningful progress is possible through bipartisan cooperation and a shared commitment to effective governance.
Excellence in Congressional Management
- The winning offices in this category set the standard for leadership, best management and organizational practices, professional staff development, open communication and collaboration, as well as ensuring a positive experience for staff while achieving the office’s goals.
Chief of Staff of the Year
- Recipients of this award are highly effective team leaders who successfully navigate challenges, build a strong office culture, and ensure the smooth functioning of both legislative operations and constituent services. In addition, the recipients of this award work not just in service of their office, but in service to Congress, working to improve the institution to leave it better for future Members and staff than they found it.
Participation in the Democracy Awards reflects a belief that Congress can and should be a place of public service, operational excellence, innovation, and institutional stewardship.
The Democracy Awards program grew from CMF’s longstanding commitment to recognizing excellence across Capitol Hill. Before the Democracy Awards, there were the CMF Golden Mouse Awards, honoring congressional offices whose websites and social media presence went above and beyond to further transparency, accountability, and constituent service.
Over time, it became clear Congress needed a new kind of recognition, one that celebrated not only how offices communicate, but how they operate internally, serve constituents, manage teams, and strengthen the institution itself.
With that vision in mind, the Democracy Awards were launched in 2018 with the guidance of congressional staff, scholars, and former Members of Congress.
Last year's winners include:
Best of Constituent Service
- Rep. Blake Moore (R-UT-01)
- Rep. Jake Auchincloss (D-MA-04)
Best Constituent Experience in D.C.
- Rep. Dusty Johnson (R-SD-AL)
- Rep. Seth Moulton (D-MA-06)
Best of Constituent Correspondence & Outreach
- Rep. August Pfluger (R-TX-11)
- Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-GA)
Best of Innovation & Modernization
- Rep. Stephanie Bice (R-OK-05)
- Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI)
Best of Bipartisan Engagement & Collaboration
- Rep. Jay Obernolte (R-CA-23)
- Rep. Don Davis (D-NC-01)
Excellence in Congressional Management
- Rep. Richard Hudson (R-NC-09)
- Rep. Nikki Budzinski (D-IL-13)
“Too many times we hear the negative stories about Congress and Capitol Hill. And that's why CMF created the Democracy Awards, so that we shine light on all the good that’s happening,” said Jen Daulby, CEO of CMF, at the 2026 Democracy Awards Nominees Reception.
The 2026 Democracy Award winners will be announced this July.
David Nevins is the publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a signing ceremony for the “Secure America Act” in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., on June 10, 2026.
(Ken Cedeno/AFP via Getty Images/TCA)
The Iranian regime does not fear Trump
Jun 12, 2026
Back in 2012, President Barack Obama issued a statement at a press conference that would change his presidency and his legacy forever.
It was a year into what would become Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad’s brutal and protracted war on his own people, a war that would cost hundreds of thousands of lives, empower Iran and Russia, and destabilize much of the region.
Obama said then of U.S. intervention, “We have been very clear to the Assad regime, but also to the other players on the ground, that a red line for us is we start seeing a whole bunch of chemical weapons moving around or being utilized. That would change my calculus. That would change my equation.”
But, of course, it didn’t.
In August 2013, Assad ordered a devastating sarin gas attack in Ghouta which killed at least 1,400 people, many of them children. It was a defiant and indefensible move that clearly crossed our red line.
Obama at first announced there would be a targeted military strike in response, but ultimately decided to pivot to a diplomatic deal, reaching a much-derided agreement with Russia to dismantle Syria’s chemical weapons stockpile.
Syria hailed the move as a “historic American retreat,” and to this day, foreign policy experts argue that Obama’s capitulation weakened America’s credibility abroad. Even Obama has expressed his regrets over Syria, and what New York Times columnist Nick Kristof called “his worst mistake.”
When a president speaks, the world listens…and learns. And our current president is realizing that the hard way.
President Trump’s ill-conceived war in Iran has dragged on for more than 100 days now, and shows no signs of concluding. That’s not merely because Trump seems totally out-maneuvered by a regime that’s been planning a war of contrition with the U.S. for nearly 20 years, but because he is no longer believed.
For nearly a decade, Trump has been threatening Iran with an often bellicose and cartoonish mix of social media threats, warnings and ultimatums. Back in his first term, he threatened to target 52 Iranian cultural sites (and then backed down); he threatened Iranian “obliteration” via Twitter (and then backed down); and he posted in all caps, “CONSEQUENCES THE LIKES OF WHICH FEW THROUGHOUT HISTORY HAVE EVER SUFFERED BEFORE” (and then backed down).
And again in his second term, since starting the war, Trump’s issued more threats: “A civilization will die, never to be brought back again,” and “hell will reign down on [Iran].” He’s threatened the “complete demolition” of Iran’s power plants, oil wells, and bridges, and to bomb the country “back to the Stone Age.”
Trump’s threatened to stop and start the war countless times, and this week, Fox’s Trey Yingst shared that he’s once again threatening to “bomb the sh*t” out of Iran if they fail to reach a peace deal, a deal Trump has been promising since the start of the war three months ago was “close.” Thursday morning, Trump threatened to bomb Iran’s defense systems and “assume total control of its oil and gas markets.”
To be clear, Trump’s threats of genocide are totally inappropriate and may even enter war crimes territory, but his lack of follow through has also emboldened Iran. They’ve watched Trump issue threat after threat for years, while fumbling through both diplomatic and military channels to reach some kind of deal that would help the U.S. save face. Meanwhile, we are no closer to a nuke-free Iran, a liberated Iranian people, or regime change than we were before the war started.
On the global stage, not only isn’t he feared, he’s not even believed anymore. What this means for Iran is anyone’s guess. But if past is prologue, “Trump Always Chickens Out” — TACO — could end up defining his legacy more than anything else.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.
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The worst deal in the history of deals