Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Time to apply ample lessons from abroad to improve democracy here

Time to apply ample lessons from abroad to improve democracy here

The Colombian city Cali offers one example of the power of democratic innovation, writes Leeighninger.

Leighninger is the director of public engagement at Public Agenda, a nonprofit, nonpartisan research and engagement organization focused on strengthening democracy, building trust and expanding economic opportunity. This is part of an occasional series on the Healthier Democracies initiative, supported by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation.


Increasingly, people all over the world are asking how we can make democracy work in new and better ways. On all kinds of issues, people want more choices, more information, and more of a say. Whether the topic is how schools should work or what should be in the local budget, people want their voices to be heard.

The United States is no exception. Americans are clearly looking for change: Our Yankelovich Democracy Monitor research has found that Americans respond enthusiastically to new democratic practices and reforms — especially those giving citizens a greater voice in the decisions that affect their lives and promising more equitable, deliberative, collaborative relationships between citizens and governments.

The most significant challenge is that few understand how to bring about this kind of engagement and reform, or even that it can be done. Most Americans — including most local and state officials and their staff — lack practical knowledge about democratic innovation.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

We can gain some democratic inspiration and practical knowledge by taking a look at innovations in other countries. Particularly at the local and state or provincial levels, there are many lessons to learn. Some cities have attained relatively high levels of public trust by creating coherent systems for civic engagement that give citizens meaningful roles in decision-making and problem-solving on many public issues and priorities.

The examples of Cali in Colombia and Bologna in Italy, two recent winners of the Engaged Cities Award given by Cities of Service, illustrate the power of these more democratic local systems. Innovative models for connecting citizens with state and provincial policymaking have also appeared in places like the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul and the state of Western Australia.

Many innovations in other countries — particularly in the Global South — engage much larger numbers, including marginalized populations. And they do so in ways that build social networks and give people a more meaningful say in public decisions. Many also raise up issues of equity and establish public platforms where people examine data on disparities and decide jointly how to address them; in some cases, these reforms have had tangible impacts on economic and political inequity.

Our Healthier Democracies project will examine 10 local and five state or provincial examples from abroad in search of tactics and tools that could be applied in the United States.The work will help spotlight the strength of social networks, point to trust-building strategies and trust in government, gauge levels of support for volunteerism and assess how much influence people have on the public decisions that affect their lives. It will examine how equitable these reforms are, both in terms of who participates and how the outcomes affect different groups.

The new pressures brought by the pandemic have tested these models severely. Some seem to be passing the test, at least from initial reports. For example, the local and national democratic innovations in Taiwan seem to have helped the country respond successfully to Covid-19.

By examining democratic innovations at both the local and state or provincial levels, we can better understand how different types of engagement work at different levels — and gain a clearer sense of how to mix, match, combine and scale them. We may also understand better how the federal government can best support local and state engagement, and even find practices that could be "scaled up" to involve people across the country. We plan to share our learning over the course of the Healthier Democracies initiative through opinion pieces here, in webinars and through reports and video interviews.

In both the United States and around the world, it is critical we learn how to make democracy work better. As people become more dissatisfied with their political systems, their trust in public institutions continues to fall. This has enabled authoritarian figures, who argue that rule by a tyrant is better than rule by democracy, to seize power in many countries.

We should also recognize we need reforms to governance, not just elections. To understand the problems with our democracy, and the ways we might improve it, we should be looking at what happens in between elections and not just how we vote.

Democracies can and should learn from one another in order to improve. Back in the 18th century, the initial designs for early American political institutions were informed by examples from other nations and cultures, including the Haudenosaunee Confederacy (also known as the Iroquois Confederacy) here in North America. Seeking inspiration and practical knowledge from other countries worked for us then, and can help us again today.

Read More

Podcast: How do police feel about gun control?

Podcast: How do police feel about gun control?

Jesus "Eddie" Campa, former Chief Deputy of the El Paso County Sheriff's Department and former Chief of Police for Marshall Texas, discusses the recent school shooting in Uvalde and how loose restrictions on gun ownership complicate the lives of law enforcement on this episode of YDHTY.

Listen now

Podcast: Why conspiracy theories thrive in both democracies and autocracies

Podcast: Why conspiracy theories thrive in both democracies and autocracies

There's something natural and organic about perceiving that the people in power are out to advance their own interests. It's in part because it’s often true. Governments actually do keep secrets from the public. Politicians engage in scandals. There often is corruption at high levels. So, we don't want citizens in a democracy to be too trusting of their politicians. It's healthy to be skeptical of the state and its real abuses and tendencies towards secrecy. The danger is when this distrust gets redirected, not toward the state, but targets innocent people who are not actually responsible for people's problems.

On this episode of "Democracy Paradox" Scott Radnitz explains why conspiracy theories thrive in both democracies and autocracies.

Your Take:  The Price of Freedom

Your Take: The Price of Freedom

Our question about the price of freedom received a light response. We asked:

What price have you, your friends or your family paid for the freedom we enjoy? And what price would you willingly pay?

It was a question born out of the horror of images from Ukraine. We hope that the news about the Jan. 6 commission and Ketanji Brown Jackson’s Supreme Court nomination was so riveting that this question was overlooked. We considered another possibility that the images were so traumatic, that our readers didn’t want to consider the question for themselves. We saw the price Ukrainians paid.

One response came from a veteran who noted that being willing to pay the ultimate price for one’s country and surviving was a gift that was repaid over and over throughout his life. “I know exactly what it is like to accept that you are a dead man,” he said. What most closely mirrored my own experience was a respondent who noted her lack of payment in blood, sweat or tears, yet chose to volunteer in helping others exercise their freedom.

Personally, my price includes service to our nation, too. The price I paid was the loss of my former life, which included a husband, a home and a seemingly secure job to enter the political fray with a message of partisan healing and hope for the future. This work isn’t risking my life, but it’s the price I’ve paid.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

Given the earnest question we asked, and the meager responses, I am also left wondering if we think at all about the price of freedom? Or have we all become so entitled to our freedom that we fail to defend freedom for others? Or was the question poorly timed?

I read another respondent’s words as an indicator of his pacifism. And another veteran who simply stated his years of service. And that was it. Four responses to a question that lives in my heart every day. We look forward to hearing Your Take on other topics. Feel free to share questions to which you’d like to respond.

Keep ReadingShow less
No, autocracies don't make economies great

libre de droit/Getty Images

No, autocracies don't make economies great

Tom G. Palmer has been involved in the advance of democratic free-market policies and reforms around the globe for more than three decades. He is executive vice president for international programs at Atlas Network and a senior fellow at the Cato Institute.

One argument frequently advanced for abandoning the messy business of democratic deliberation is that all those checks and balances, hearings and debates, judicial review and individual rights get in the way of development. What’s needed is action, not more empty debate or selfish individualism!

In the words of European autocrat Viktor Orbán, “No policy-specific debates are needed now, the alternatives in front of us are obvious…[W]e need to understand that for rebuilding the economy it is not theories that are needed but rather thirty robust lads who start working to implement what we all know needs to be done.” See! Just thirty robust lads and one far-sighted overseer and you’re on the way to a great economy!

Keep ReadingShow less
Podcast: A right-wing perspective on Jan. 6th and the 2020 election

Podcast: A right-wing perspective on Jan. 6th and the 2020 election

Peter Wood is an anthropologist and president of the National Association of Scholars. He believes—like many Americans on the right—that the 2020 election was stolen from Donald Trump and the January 6th riots were incited by the left in collusion with the FBI. He’s also the author of a new book called Wrath: America Enraged, which wrestles with our politics of anger and counsels conservatives on how to respond to perceived aggression.

Where does America go from here? In this episode, Peter joins Ciaran O’Connor for a frank conversation about the role of anger in our politics as well as the nature of truth, trust, and conspiracy theories.

Keep ReadingShow less