Gov. Josh Shapiro, D-Pa., joined Morning Joe to discuss the start of his time in office and appointing Republican Al Schmidt as Secretary of the Commonwealth.
Site Navigation
Search
Latest Stories
Start your day right!
Get latest updates and insights delivered to your inbox.
Top Stories
Latest news
Read More
Ai technology, Artificial Intelligence. man using technology smart robot AI, artificial intelligence by enter command prompt for generates something, Futuristic technology transformation.
Getty Images - stock photo
True Confessions of an AI Flip Flopper
Jun 20, 2025
A few years ago, I would have agreed with the argument that the most important AI regulatory issue is mitigating the low probability of catastrophic risks. Today, I’d think nearly the opposite. My primary concern is that we will fail to realize the already feasible and significant benefits of AI. What changed and why do I think my own evolution matters?
Discussion of my personal path from a more “safety” oriented perspective to one that some would label as an “accelerationist” view isn’t important because I, Kevin Frazier, have altered my views. The point of walking through my pivot is instead valuable because it may help those unsure of how to think about these critical issues navigate a complex and, increasingly, heated debate. By sharing my own change in thought, I hope others will feel welcomed to do two things: first, reject unproductive, static labels that are misaligned with a dynamic technology; and, second, adjust their own views in light of the wide variety of shifting variables at play when it comes to AI regulation. More generally, I believe that calling myself out for a so-called “flip-flop” may give others more leeway to do so without feeling like they’ve committed some wrong.
This discussion also matters because everyone should have a viewpoint on AI policy. This is no longer an issue that we can leave to San Francisco house parties and whispered conversations in the quiet car of an Acela train. I know that folks are tired of all the ink spilled about AI, all the podcasts that frame new model releases as the end of the world or the beginning of a utopian future, and all the speculation about whether AI will take your job today or tomorrow. It’s exhausting and, in many cases, not productive. Yet, absent more general participation in these debates, only a handful of people will shape how AI is developed and adopted across the country. You may be tired of it but you cannot opt out of knowing about AI and having a reasoned stance on its regulation.
Congress is actively considering a ten-year moratorium on a wide range of state AI regulation. So the stakes are set for an ongoing conversation about the nation’s medium-term approach to AI. I have come out in support of a federal-first approach to AI governance, preventing states from adopting the sort of AI strict safety measures I may have endorsed a few years back. So what gives? Why have I flipped?
First, I’ve learned more about the positive use cases of AI. For unsurprising reasons, media outlets that profit from sensationalistic headlines tend to focus on reports of AI bias, discrimination, and hallucinations. These stories draw clicks and align well with social media-induced techlash that’s still a driving force in technology governance conversations. Through attending Meta’s Open Source AI Summit, however, I realized that AI is already being deployed in highly sensitive and highly consequential contexts and delivering meaningful results. I learned about neurosurgeons leveraging AI tools to restore a paralyzed woman’s voice, material science researchers being able to make certain predictions 10,000 times faster thanks to AI, and conservation groups leaning on AI to improve deforestation tracking. If scaled, these sorts of use cases could positively transform society.
Second, I’ve thoroughly engaged with leading research on the importance of technological diffusion to national security and economic prosperity. In short, as outlined by Jeffrey Ding, and others, the country that dominates a certain technological era is not the one that innovates first but rather the one that spreads the technology across society first. The latter country is better able to economically, politically, and culturally adjust to the chaos introduced by massive jumps in technology. Those who insist on a negative framing of AI threaten to undermine AI adoption by the American public.
Third, I’ve spent some time questioning the historical role of lawyers in stifling progress. As noted by Ezra Klein, Derek Thompson, and others across the ideological spectrum who have embraced some version of the Abundance agenda, lawyers erected much of the bureaucratic barriers that have prevented us from building housing, completing public transit projects, and otherwise responding to public concerns in the 21st Century. Many of the safety-focused policy proposals being evaluated at the state and federal levels threaten to do the same with respect to AI—these lawyer-subsidization bills set vague “reasonableness” standards, mandate annual audits, and, more generally, increase the need for lawyers to litigate and adjudicate whether a certain model adheres to each state’s interpretation of “responsible” AI development.
Adherents to that safety perspective will rightly point out that I'm downplaying legitimate concerns about extreme AI risks. They might remind me that though they too acknowledge catastrophic scenarios have low probabilities, they nevertheless warrant substantial regulatory intervention because of the magnitude of the potential harm. This is the classic precautionary principle argument: when the potential downside is civilization-ending, shouldn't we err on the side of caution?
I continue to acknowledge this concern but believe it misunderstands both the nature of risk and the trade-offs we face. The “low probability, high impact” framing obscures the fact that many proposed AI safety regulations would impose certain, immediate costs on society while addressing speculative future harms. We're not comparing a small chance of catastrophe against no cost—we're comparing it against the guaranteed opportunity costs of delayed medical breakthroughs, slowed scientific research, and reduced economic productivity. When a child dies from a disease that could have been cured with AI-accelerated drug discovery, that’s not a hypothetical cost. It's a real consequence of regulatory delay.
My evolution reflects not an abandonment of caution but a more holistic understanding of where the real risks lie. The greatest threat isn't that AI will develop too quickly but that beneficial AI will develop too slowly—or in the wrong places, under the wrong governance structures.
Kevin Frazier is an AI Innovation and Law Fellow at Texas Law and Author of the Appleseed AI substack.
Keep ReadingShow less
Recommended
The Stars and Stripes Forever?
Jun 20, 2025
“But should old acquaintance be forgot, keep your eye on the grand old flag.” George M. Cohan’s famous verse reminds us that a flag can call a nation back to its core values in times of distress. But, in a nation of immigrants, which flag and what values?
The vivid images of protesters against ICE raids in Los Angeles brandishing the Mexican tricolor instead of the Stars and Stripes have dominated news coverage and commentary.
Critics have suggested that the Mexican flag in this context shows loyalty to a foreign country rather than the United States. Donald Trump and his allies have pounced on the opportunity to invoke the use of the Mexican flag to malign the protests as un-American or outright hostile to this country. Calling attention to the flags, Vice President JD Vance insinuated that L.A. faced an “invasion.” Top White House adviser Stephen Miller called it an “occupation.”
Supporters of the protest movement’s goals are divided over the symbolism of the Mexican flag. To some, displaying it is an expression of ethnic pride that is fully compatible with Americanism and legitimate protest. To others, it belies the strong American identity and rapid assimilation of the very immigrants the protests are meant to protect and it casts an unpatriotic pall over the movement that harms the popularity of the protests and immigration.
Does the choice of flag at an immigration protest actually carry any weight? Do images of the Mexican flag provoke the backlash among ordinary citizens that we see among some conservative commentators? Would the Stars and Stripes put the protests in a more “American” light and help win public sympathy and support?
Although voters are often alleged to be dug in on immigration, the likely answer to all these questions is a resounding yes.
Decades of research show that the U.S. flag almost universally elicits strongly positive feelings in Americans from all backgrounds. Moreover, the flag can signal immigrants’ desire to become American and love of their adopted country. American patriotism is pervasive among immigrants and their children, and the vast majority of Americans believe that love of country is an important criterion for being “truly American.”
In 2010, we published a study that directly explored how the imagery of U.S. and foreign flags affects public reactions to immigration protests. We were motivated by immigrants’ rights protests that occurred throughout April 2006, centered on Los Angeles but spreading to 102 U.S. cities. These also saw their share of commentators who argued that protesters’ displays of Mexican flags would foster backlash and ultimately do more harm than good.
To test this notion, we surveyed a representative group of American adults and showed one random half protest imagery that highlighted Mexican flags and the other half pictures of protesters waving the Stars and Stripes.
The results were strong and unambiguous: most notably, a majority of respondents in the “Mexican flag” group (55%) were “Bothered a lot” by the protest, whereas only 45% of those shown the U.S.-flag-dominated images were similarly bothered. In short, changing the symbolic association from “foreign” to American can contribute significantly to turning a hostile public into a supportive one.
A more recent study we conducted in 2018, during Trump’s first term, underscores that despite all the polarization of the past decade, symbols of patriotism remain pivotal. We found that telling people a hypothetical immigrant had a U.S. flag, versus one from their country of origin, in his home elicited substantial feelings of shared identity and community. Notably, this effect was similar regardless of immigrants’ legal status. Immigrants who fly Old Glory are more likely to be accepted by ordinary citizens as “one of us.”
Foreign flags surely have an important place in a nation of immigrants where our distinct origins and traditions are celebrated. Most Americans have respect for such pluralism and honor others’ distinct customs and backgrounds. But most also believe that the worth of immigration in this country is to be judged fundamentally by what people want to become rather than where they came from. Protesters who aim to convince the general public to rally to immigrants’ defense should seek to amplify this aspiration instead of obscuring it. A picture is worth a thousand words.
Morris Levy is Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations at USC Dornsife. His research focuses on the politics of immigration and political tolerance.
Matthew Wright is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of British Columbia. His research focuses on U.S. and comparative public opinion on immigration and national identity.
Jack Citrin is a Professor of the Graduate School Department of Political Science at the University of California Berkeley and Emeritus Director of the Institute of Governmental Studies. He has written widely on American Identity, immigration, and trust in government.
Keep ReadingShow less
holding hands
Photo by Priscilla Du Preez 🇨🇦 on Unsplash
Support for International Students’ Mental Health Fails As Federal Visa Revocations Rise
Jun 20, 2025
The University of Washington’s international student population is raising concerns about the lack of mental health support provided to them by International Student Services, particularly in the context of visa revocations.
“I've personally sacrificed so much to get to UW,” first-year Kaira Wullur said. “I know my parents have also sacrificed so much. It is super draining to think that what I've been working towards could be stripped away from people who don't even know who I am.”
The concerns first arose following President Donald Trump's administration’s declaration to terminate the visas of foreign students. The decision was met with fierce opposition from courts nationwide, which issued restraining orders to protect international students in the United States. While the visas have since been reinstated, the unsettling feeling of uncertainty among University of Washington students remains.
“Before coming here, my parents warned me,” Wullur, originally from Jakarta, Indonesia, said. “I always kind of like shot them down, like, oh, it's going to be fine as long as I'm studying. But obviously that changed a month or two ago, where even people who haven't necessarily done anything bad have had their visas revoked. So, definitely comfort levels right now are not good.”
While Wullur acknowledges that UW’s International Student Services does its best to keep students updated through a weekly newsletter, she believes their services could extend further, specifically through counseling with an assigned advisor.
“I think what helped me a lot in the fall academically was having an advisor because every student kind of gets their own advisor and you know them by name,” Wullur said. “But because the International Student Services is like an organization, they don't necessarily have a personal connection to you. You don't get a [specific] International Student Services advisor. I think that should be introduced at the beginning of the year to all international students going to UW.”
Establishing a sound relationship with an advisor who understands the unique situations international students face is vital in creating a welcoming environment. Through personal connection and extensive knowledge of international student life, more students will come to advisors when they know all aspects of their experience are understood.
“If we're going to talk about how this whole situation, this thing [that is] draining and taxing to our mental health, we wouldn't want to talk about it to somebody who just met us on that day,” Wullur said.
According to a study at Purdue University in 2021, roughly 50% of international students screen positive for major depressive disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, an eating disorder, non-suicidal self-injury, or suicidal ideation. Their study also states that international students are significantly less likely to seek out help or assistance from mental health services compared to domestic students.
By installing a more accessible path to mental health therapy and medication services, Wullur believes international students will be more likely to utilize them, resulting in a 50% decrease.
“I didn't have anybody to talk to about this because I'm not friends with a lot of international students,” Wullur said. “Most of my friends are, if not in state, out of state, and definitely not out of the country. So I don't think their support was sufficient in regards to mental health.”
International students’ mental health is just one part of a mental health crisis spreading across college campuses nationwide. By catering to their specific needs, the University of Washington’s large international student population will grow not only in strength but in numbers.
Unfortunately, the university is facing significant budget cuts, and introducing a new program with a multitude of new faculty members may not be the ideal solution. Instead, a solution can be found in expanding the counseling center with the addition of a few counselors who specialize in the intricacies of non-domestic student life.
TheUniversity of Washington’s mental wellbeing website already has a statement that reads: “To our international students: We see you, we support you. We know these times can feel overwhelming and uncertain. You’re not alone—if you need someone to talk to, we’re here for you. Don’t hesitate to reach out. #YouBelongHere #MentalHealthMatters #InternationalStudents #uwcounseling”.
A branch of UW’s counseling dedicated to the international students that make up 16.2% of its student body would join many other campuses nationwide with programs similar, such as American University, Tufts University, and the University of California, Los Angeles, all of which have a smaller population of international students than UW.
“During all of it, I would have a really hard time enjoying myself at UW,” Wullur said. “I knew that at any point, that could be taken away from me without any valid reason, and I wouldn't even have the power to do anything about it. I feel helpless, and I know it can’t be solved, but it can be mitigated in some way.”
Laney Jordan is a third-year Journalism and Public Interest Communications student at the University of Washington.
Laney was a student in Hugo Balta‘s solutions journalism class at UW. Balta is the executive editor of the Fulcrum. He leads Fulcrum's NextGen initiatives. Balta is also the publisher of the Latino News Network and an accredited Solutions Journalism as well as a Complicating the Narratives trainer with the Solutions Journalism Network.
The Fulcrum is committed to nurturing the next generation of journalists.
Please help the Fulcrum's NextGen initiatives by donating HERE!
Keep ReadingShow less
Strengthening Elections, Rights, and Citizen Engagement
Jun 20, 2025
Welcome to the latest edition of The Expand Democracy 5. From Rob Richie, with Eveline Dowling and Juniper Shelley’s assistance, we highlight timely links and stories about democracy at the local, national, and global levels. Today's stories include:
🔁 The primary problem is a lack of general election competition
💡 The case for a constitutional right to vote
🔓 Restoring voting rights to citizens with past felony convictions
🧭 Ballotpedia as a national voter guide
🕓 This week’s timely links
In keeping with The Fulcrum’s mission to share ideas that help to repair our democracy and make it live and work in our everyday lives, we intend to publish The Expand Democracy 5 in The Fulcrum each Friday.
If you want to suggest a pro-democracy idea for coverage in The Expand Democracy 5, please use the contact form at Expand Democracy.
Before turning to this week’s topics, I wanted to elevate Eveline’s lead story last week on political violence that became all too real last Saturday when an assassin murdered Minnesota state representative Melissa Hortman and her husband Mark and seriously wounded a state senator and his wife. The Washington Post reported this week on growing fear among state legislators, citing a 2023 survey finding more than 40% had experienced threats.
This New York Times guest essay by Robert Pape had compelling advice: “My research suggests that to de-escalate the political environment and reduce the risk of violence, America’s political leaders need to cross their political divides and make joint statements (and ideally joint appearances) that denounce all political violence, welcome all peaceful protest and call for respecting the rules, process and results of free and fair elections in the country.”
The “Primary Problem” is a Lack of General Election Competition
[The Primary Problem. Source: Unite America]
Low voter turnout combined with increased partisanship in primaries has characterized the modern era, resulting in incentives against creative compromises across party lines. An excellent summation of the problem is Unite America executive director Nick Troiano’s 2024 book The Primary Solution. Unite America highlights the shocking reality that, with so many fundamentally safe seats today, 87% of U.S. House elections in 2024 were determined in primaries by merely 7% of Americans.
There are two ways to imagine tackling the problem: reduce the power of current primary voters by increasing turnout and more representative electorates in primaries, or by making those primaries less important than what happens in the general election. Reformers don't have to choose just one path, and I think we should push forward where possible. But there is value in prioritizing what viable change can have the greatest impact. Over the years, including when I developed the partisan voting index and wrote FairVote’s first Monopoly Politics report in 1997, I’ve sought to highlight how unfair and problematic it is when general elections don’t matter.
That insight led me to support the National Popular Vote plan to reform presidential elections – when every vote in every state is counted equally, any close national election will make that vote meaningful, no matter where it is cast. It’s taken years, but backers of the National Popular Vote plan are getting closer to winning this transformative change.
It sparked my interest in creating a unique American approach to proportional representation, one that I think can ultimately succeed – the proportional ranked-choice voting system outlined in the Fair Representation Act, which has been proposed in Congress since 2017. The Fair Representation Act would allow both major parties to contest and likely win in every corner of every state, while smaller parties and independents could hold them accountable and avoid the “spoiler” epithet with a ranked choice voting ballot.
In 2012, it motivated me to propose a Top Four primary system in response to California’s adoption of the Top Two primary. I also supported research that highlighted how many more general elections would offer both genuine voter choice and competition by advancing four candidates to ranked choice voting elections, as currently implemented in Alaska for all its state and congressional elections.
That’s why I’m currently so engaged in advocating for New York City to build on its adoption of ranked choice voting (RCV) for primary elections by moving toward what every other city with RCV does: a single round of voting using RCV. Even as New York has a compelling primary election with RCV on June 24th, a charter commission with deeply respected leadership is seriously considering taking on the primary problem. One option they are considering is to follow the lead of many states by allowing unaffiliated voters to participate in primaries and various forms of all-candidate primaries. This is a sensible voting rights change, although it is unlikely to impact the significance of general elections.
The commission is considering the bolder solution of all-candidate primaries, where the primary serves as a winnowing contest rather than a nomination process. As detailed in my June 10th New York City testimony, I strongly believe that any all-candidate primary proposal in New York should build on the City’s use of RCV by following Alaska’s model with four candidates advancing from the primary. If the commission decides to limit the general election to only two candidates, as in California, there will be a significant number of uncompetitive general elections where one candidate belongs to the majority faction and the other does not - sometimes deliberately manipulated by partisans, as evidenced by Adam Schiff’s campaign for U.S. Senate in California when promoting Republican Steve Garvey. In the rare event that two candidates are viable, a Top Two system will imply one of two possibilities: it’s a politically balanced district where a traditional partisan primary system would similarly foster competition, or the choice has been limited to candidates with ties to the majority. In contrast, a Top Four system would significantly increase the likelihood of having more than one viable candidate and would also offer a broader selection where most voters support at least one candidate.The New York City charter commission’s decision intrigues me even more because the commission has the power to propose related changes that I strongly support—for instance, permitting write-in candidates and allowing candidates to display party and organizational endorsements. The City also has the nation's most vibrant public financing system, which gives more voters the power to compete equitably, even in a system that enhances general election competition.
Going forward, keep that defining question in mind: if seeking to take on the primary problem, what effect will the reform have on the general election?
The Case for a Constitutional Right to Vote
Nearly every major democracy in the world has a constitutional provision that we lack in the United States: an affirmative protection of the right to vote. Because our Constitution was adopted when voting rights were heavily restricted, there is no such clear right, as our series of pro-suffrage amendments have added particular groups (such as women, African Americans, and 18-year-olds) without fully protecting the voting rights for all adult citizens. This absence creates a dangerous hole in our democracy that allows our federal courts not to center their rulings on voting in a clearly established right.
Election law professor Rick Hasen last year wrote compellingly in A Real Right to Vote about the case for an affirmative right to vote in the Constitution, and I’ve had the good fortune to work with advocates of the proposal for more than two decades. Here’s an excerpt from FairVote’s 2014 policy guide calling for this change:
“Passing a Right to Vote Amendment to the Constitution would uphold our fundamental right to vote. The amendment would empower Congress to set national minimal electoral standards for all jurisdictions to follow, provide greater protection against attempts to disenfranchise individual voters, and strengthen the impact of state and local laws seeking to uphold suffrage… Past legislation for a right to vote amendment has earned the support of more than 50 Members of Congress ... .States, cities, campuses and NGO’s are starting to pass right to vote resolutions that call for a right to vote amendment and commit to actions to protect, promote and expand suffrage.”
That last expression of activist hope never quite came to fruition despite some promising case studies. Expand Democracy will look for whether it can catalyze action and attention on that combination of federal action, grounded in a local movement for voting rights.
Restoring Voting Rights to Citizens with Past Felony Convictions
[Leroy Jones, who served his sentence 10 years ago, protests outside a Miami courthouse on April 9, 2003. Source: Frontline]
We’re publishing on Juneteenth, our most recent federal holiday that commemorates the end of slavery, and one with an inspiring activist story featuring now 98-year-old Opal Lee. While incarceration after criminal convictions is far different than the inexcusable evils of slavery, it does share one feature: slaves did not have voting rights, and nearly every state today deprives citizens of voting rights when incarcerated. Too many states go further and make it virtually impossible to ever vote again, even after serving one’s sentence.
Most NATO nations, including Canada and those in western Europe, do not take away suffrage rights for otherwise-eligible citizens who are incarcerated. It’s even rarer to impose a life-long penalty—one that an affirmative right to vote would likely make much easier to defend, despite political demagoguery surrounding “being tough on crime” to support it and “weak on crime” to advocate for the right to vote.
Several groups have done valuable work on this issue, including the Brennan Center and the Advancement Project. No organization has been so steadfast in elevating the problem as the Sentencing Project, which in 2024 issued this release - one that has troubling data, yet lifts up that advocates of voting rights restoration have made major progress:
“One out of 59 adult citizens – 1.7% of the total U.S. voting eligible population – is disenfranchised due to a current or previous felony conviction. An estimated 4 million people are disenfranchised due to a felony conviction, a figure that has declined by 31% since 2016, as more states enacted policies to curtail this practice and state prison, probation, and parole populations declined. Previous research finds there were an estimated 1.2 million people disenfranchised in 1976, 3.3 million in 1996, 4.6 million in 2000, 5.1 million in 2004, 5.7 million in 2010, 5.9 million in 2016, 4.9 million in 2020, and 4.4 million in 2022.”
Ballotpedia as a National Voter Guide 365 Days a Year
An Expand Democracy priority is to elevate best practices for 21st-century voter guides, as Eveline wrote about last week. We need to be creative in making use of online tools and forms of communication that are compelling and accessible.
That said, anyone who has done an elections-related search has likely come across what I believe is fair to say is one of the most successful voter guide resources we’ve ever had - Ballotpedia. Here’s more about Ballotpedia’s “about us” page:
“Ballotpedia is the digital encyclopedia of American politics, and the nation’s premier resource for unbiased information on elections, politics, and policy. We provide our readers curated content on all levels of U.S. politics that is relevant, reliable, and available for all. In addition, Ballotpedia’s policy content and assets are a gateway to learning about public policy and an unparalleled resource for clear, comprehensive, and factual information on key policy areas. We are firmly committed to neutrality in all our content. As a nonprofit, our mission is to educate. We're here for you when:
- You need the latest political news and analysis from a reliable, nonpartisan source.
- You're making decisions about how you'll vote in an election.
- You want to access all opinions—fairly, clearly, and completely presented—surrounding a policy area.”
Ballotpedia publisher Leslie Graves recently made a compelling case for why it has such a wide reach with the public in the weeks leading up to an election: it’s available as a resource every day of the year. Elections may not come around that often, but questions about past elections, election rules, and your representatives come at any time. Having vetted, comprehensive content creates trust and value. In that spirit, we thank The Fulcrum for its diligent coverage of democracy every week, including often running this publication.
So here’s to Ballotpedia – and for those seeking 21st century voter guides, recognition that its creators are most likely to succeed if regularly a source for people in their community,
Timely Links
We close The Expand Democracy 5 with notable links:
- NJ state VRA sponsor seeks to “expand democracy”: New Jersey is moving to strengthen voting rights with progress for a State Voting Rights Act to expand ballot access, language assistance, and voter protections. We were appreciative of this framing by the bill’s lead sponsor, Assemblyman Reginald Atkins "Here, we expand Democracy. We don't shrink it."
- Census Bureau Voting Data Highlights Turnout-Boosting Power of Vote-at-Home Systems: “Every two years, the U.S. Census Bureau releases a comprehensive report on voting turnout patterns among states and key demographic groups for the most recent general election. The latest report on the November 2024 election showed once again the turnout-boosting power of Vote at Home election systems: when more voters have their ballots delivered to them, more of them vote.”
- Virginia Lt. Governor Primary Won with 27 Percent: Candidates run and win with the rules that are provided, but it’s notable that New Jersey Democrats just nominated their candidate for governor Mikie Sherrill with only 33.9%, and Virginia Democrats this week nominated their candidate for Lt. Governor Ghazala Hashmi with only 27.4%. Such non-majority wins are in contrast to the ranked choice voting rules used in Virginia localities like Arlington and Charlottesville that make far more votes count.
- Maine Legislature Sends Ranked Choice Voting Expansion to Governor: Maine voters have twice voted for RCV in statewide ballot measures, and a survey shows its popularity keeps growing. On June 18th, the legislature sent to the governor legislation to extend RCV to general elections for governor and the state legislature - a potential parallel to New York City, which uses RCV for primaries and may be able this fall hold a vote on using RCV in November as well.
- “America’s urban majority has been disenfranchised—here’s how to fix it”: Thor Hogan in DemocracySos provocatively proposes a creative and entirely constitutional solution to the challenge of a grossly malapportin U.S. Senate. An excerpt: “If California were to successfully partition itself into a significant number of new states, other large states would almost certainly follow. Many books and articles support granting statehood to Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico (which we should absolutely do) or splitting California into three or four parts—but then they assume the process would stop there. But if California went from two to thirty-two senators, as I propose, other states would be compelled to redress the resulting power imbalance.”
Keep ReadingShow less
Load More