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Dahl, Dickens, and DeSantis

Dahl, Dickens, and DeSantis

British novelist Roald Dahl (1916 - 1990), UK, 10th December 1971

Photo by Ronald Dumont/Daily Express/Getty Images

Goldstone is the author of the forthcoming "Not White Enough: The Long Shameful Road to Japanese American Internment."

Although most of the recent news coverage of proxy war has been focused on United States’ military aid to Ukraine, there is another proxy war being fought a good deal closer to home, in America’s public schools. Both the left and the right are joined in a ferocious battle to use students to control the nation’s future.


On the left, the latest skirmish is over beloved children’s writer Roald Dahl and his penchant for using once acceptable but now pejorative terms such as “fat” to describe characters in his books. To critics, these would be intolerable even if they were innocent and unintentional transgressions, but Dahl’s sins are compounded because he was a genuinely unpleasant fellow. He was a serial adulterer whose one-time wife, actress Patricia Neal called him “Roald the Rotten,” and so openly anti-Semitic that he once observed that Adolph Hitler “didn’t just pick on Jews for no reason.” And so, “fat” became “enormous” and witches who were “bald under their wigs” acquired a disclaimer: “There are plenty of other reasons why women might wear wigs and there is certainly nothing wrong with that.”

Although not yet receiving the same political red pencil, Charles Dickens must certainly be in the crosshairs of the language police. Dickens was also, to say the least, less than perfect. He once suggested that exterminating people from India might not be such a bad idea and he was equally offensive to Africans and, yes, Americans. Then of course, there is Fagin, the most caricaturish Jew since Shylock—although we will let Shakespeare go for the moment. Fagin was described as a “loathsome reptile” with “fangs such as should have been a dog’s or rat’s.” Soon, we can expect additions, perhaps, “but reptiles are nice too” and “fangs are just long teeth.”

Where the left is censoring language, however, the right is censoring history.

Led by governors Ron DeSantis of Florida and Glenn Youngkin of Virginia, conservatives are attempting to have only a bleached version of the nation’s first two centuries taught in the schools. In Florida, DeSantis’s education board first banned an AP American history course because the College Board included topics with “instruction that suggests some are privileged or oppressed based on their race or skin color.” In case that was not conservative enough, DeSantis then threatened to ban AP classes entirely, certain to thrill parents of Florida’s best high school students who aspire to have their children attend elite colleges.

Youngkin, to “empower parents,” directed schools to forbid the teaching of any material that was “inherently divisive,” a description that surely includes the unspoken clause “to white heterosexuals.” At best, the phrase is highly subjective and would almost surely create school curricula very similar to Florida’s.

For the far right, then, children should be taught that the story of America is one of a largely unbroken timeline of virtue, a nation in which anyone who worked hard, followed the rules, and went regularly to religious services, preferably Christian or maybe even Jewish, had an equal chance to succeed and partake of American exceptionalism. There were some blips to be sure—slavery being the most inconvenient—but these, students will learn, were vestiges of the past that a heroic nation soon cast off.

(Of course, to the far left, the story of America is one of a largely unbroken timeline of intolerance, greed, and repression of anyone not white and Christian. In this view, slavery was not the exception, but merely one example among many in which white America repressed and brutalized anyone not like themselves and where, for non-white or other nonconforming groups, no amount of hard work could crack the barricades of bigotry.)

That both of these are, at best, half-truths, bother proponents not one whit. It is uncertain whether, beyond fringe groups on either side, proponents even believe these one-sided narratives. But history and literature have ceased to be subjects considered vital to a rounded education and tools for children to develop into good and thoughtful citizens. They are now weapons of war, designed to appeal to core supporters and thus gain power and influence, and, with any luck, control of the government.

With requisite righteous indignation, each accuses the other of indoctrinating children rather than educating them while, in fact, they are both guilty of it. And the essence of indoctrination is simplicity—one does not have to weigh points of view or consider alternatives because there is only one point of view and no alternatives. And so, both sides, in their own way, are trying to remove complexity from school curricula.

But in the world these children will eventually enter, simplicity will inevitably give way to complexity, both in their personal lives and in the society in which they will be forced to make their way. And that is as it should be because dealing with the complex is the essence of critical thinking and critical thinking is a prerequisite for both personal achievement and for maintaining America’s position in the world.

Students in middle and high schools should be wrestling with whether art can be appreciated separate from the artist or if a nation with an imperfect founding and a checkered history can still be thought to be true to its ideals. They should be hashing out whether Americans should pretend Jim Crow did not persist in the South for decades after slavery was abolished or that the United States did not break virtually every treaty it ever made with Native American tribes. And how can younger children learn of the power of language to wound if they are not taught it by example in schools or their homes?

Yes, it may be a challenge for educators to attempt to find the correct manner to assign the works of Dahl, Dickens, and other writers considered “classic,” as it is a challenge to find the correct manner to teach about slavery, Jim Crow, anti-Asian bigotry, and the destruction of Native American cultures. In elementary schools, the challenges are even greater. But, regardless of their flaws, Roald Dahl and Charles Dickens were brilliant artists and, regardless of the nation’s stunning achievements, America’s history contains horrific, embarrassing episodes. How can we teach children to learn to think for themselves if adults with a political agenda are doing their thinking for them?


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

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