Radwell is the author of “ American Schism: How the Two Enlightenments Hold the Secret to Healing Our Nation ” and serves on the Business Council at Business for America. This is the second entry in a 10-part series on the American schism.
Even the most casual reading of the news headlines today can be quite disheartening. With war raging in multiple regions and climate change threatening the planet’s existence, it certainly seems like the world is going to hell in a handbasket. Of course this is in addition to our domestic political arena, which often resembles a three-ring circus.
In the latest act, in response to growing citizen hysteria, a usually futile legislature finally crafted a comprehensive bipartisan immigration bill, only to have the very guy who provokes the hysteria in the first place instruct his minions to veto said bill. One could not make this stuff up.
But perhaps we need to change our perspective. How are we doing at a macro level over the last 300 years based on objective measures? As Stephen Pinker explains in his book, “Enlightenment Now,” the data make a compelling case for an unparalleled surge in human prosperity – in fact, we have made more headway during this three-century timeframe than during the prior 2,000 years. One example among many: 300 years ago the life expectancy of humans was about 30, and four-fifths of the world lived in horrendous poverty; today, the average lifespan is over 70 in almost every part of the globe, and about one-fifth of the planet’s inhabitants live at the dreadful level of poverty.
Thus we can conclude (if objective data still matters), a focus on the pursuit of empirically based science has resulted in an unleashing of human capacity previously unrivaled in our history. The 18th century period we now refer to as the Enlightenment has provided the bedrock for what we think of as a modern society. While the Enlightenment was an all-encompassing movement marking a plethora of disciplines, one overriding theme of the era was celebrating the astonishing potential of human capacity. For the millennium prior, the determinants of an individual’s prosperity were demarcated by two simple factors: the birth lottery and one’s brute strength.
As Benjamin Franklin and Denis Diderot showed us, all humans are capable of reason and problem-solving and thus able to build their own unique brand of prosperity. They postulated that one’s destiny on earth is not solely in the hands of faith, but also on the ability to observe the universe and employ deductive logic. More recently, Jonathan Raunch built on this concept in what he calls a “ Constitution of Knowledge ”: a powerful structure he visualizes as a funnel – one end very broad. allowing a wide range of idea contributions from all, while getting progressively narrower as only those ideas that can sustain academic rigor come out the other side. The key features of transparency and peer review render the discovery process cumulative, and thus very efficient at building knowledge within what today we would call a “network.”
Yet despite this impressive track record, for the last 60 years we have been experiencing a head-on assault from the postmodern movement, which maintains that truth is elusive and all is subjective. The original intent of many postmodern thought leaders was to incorporate diverse voices into a discussion dominated by white European males, a much-needed societal evolution, but unfortunately the result has often been to turn the traditional merits of empiricism on its head.
Today, you don’t have to be a philosopher or an academic to be a postmodernist. The goal of incorporating diverse voices has been construed by many politicians, academics and citizens to warrant everyone being entitled to one’s own facts – how convenient for us. This “lay postmodernism” is so pervasive that cherry-picking “one’s own facts” is now claimed as an inalienable right. Many who get lost in a sea of digital information have simply abandoned the pursuit of truth altogether. Moreover, this new lay postmodernism fad doesn’t discriminate based on partisan orientation. Whether in the form of conspiracy theories or alternative facts on the right, or a blinding focus on identity politics on the left, amygdala-driven conversations have crowded out reason and data across the political spectrum.
Most alarming perhaps is that lay postmodernism has increasingly invaded the realm of science in areas such as climate change or public health care where advocates on both sides choose to use the facts that already confirm their rigid opinions. This is a far cry from what Thomas Jefferson meant when he said “difference of opinion leads to inquiry, and inquiry to the truth.”
When we surrender to this development, we do a tremendous disservice to the valuable aspects of the postmodern evaluation, but more importantly, we do so with great peril to our democracy. Indeed, objective scientific truth is a required element of democracy, and embracing it is the only hope for reaching consensus on policy. The intent of most postmodern thinking was to bring alternative views into the conversation, not to discard our constitution of knowledge. The former can be accomplished without throwing the proverbial baby out with the bathwater.




















A view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 25, 2026. President Donald Trump jolted Republicans during a fiery appearance at the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, scrapping a housing bill signing ceremony and clashing behind closed doors with a party rebel who challenged him over the Iran war. Trump had been expected to sign the bipartisan housing.
Only Trump doesn’t care about housing
It was August 15, 2024. Then candidate Donald Trump stepped out of his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club’s columned clubhouse to a gaggle of reporters. He was flanked by tables of groceries and signs showing the rising cost of food. Also on one of the tables was a dollhouse, meant to represent the equally alarming rise in housing prices.
It was a speech about the economy, the single most important issue of the 2024 election cycle, full of promises that went right to the heart of Americans’ anxieties. While former President Joe Biden and then Vice President Kamala Harris were contorting themselves to posture a good economy that just needed more time to recover from the pandemic, Trump was preying on voters’ very real fears of unaffordable gas, groceries, and homes. It was obviously a winning message.
In that speech, Trump promised, “We’re going to open up tracts of federal land for housing construction. We desperately need housing for people who can’t afford what’s going on now.”
As of mid-2023, there had been a housing shortage of nearly four million homes, according to the National Association of Realtors. Americans all over the country were either priced out of buying new homes due to low inventory, trapped in their existing homes by sky-high mortgage rates, or facing exorbitant rent hikes thanks to corporate investors buying up rental properties. Americans needed help, and Trump promised it.
Cut to March of 2026, when Trump reportedly told House Speaker Mike Johnson, “No one gives a sh*t about housing.”
That kind of thinking may explain why Trump this week suddenly announced he was canceling a signing ceremony for the bipartisan “21st Century ROAD to Housing Act,” a housing bill co-sponsored by Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Tim Scott that passed the House 358-32 and was approved in the Senate on Monday.
Trump instead demanded Congress pass the SAVE America Act, his controversial election grievance bill that doesn’t have enough Republican support to get passed in the Senate.
It’s just the latest in a line of policy self-owns where Trump has seemingly intentionally made life more difficult for Republicans hoping to keep their majority. Despite midterm elections occurring in the midst of a blistering economy and an unpopular war, they were surely hoping the housing bill would give them something — anything — to brag about when they returned home to their districts.
And very much to the contrary, Americans do give a sh*t about housing. According to a recent survey by the Bipartisan Policy Center, a whopping 79% say the cost of housing is extremely or very important to them. Eighty-three percent say Congress should take action on the issue — like it just did. Eighty-nine percent say the House and Senate need to work together to pass affordable housing legislation — like they just did. And 63% say they would be more likely to vote for a lawmaker if they helped pass legislation to build more affordable homes and lower housing costs — like they just did.
There aren’t many issues that unite Americans like housing does, and very few bipartisan policy wins Congress can point to, and yet, Trump is holding that bill hostage in order to get his pet project — which doesn’t even have the support of his own party — pushed through.
If you’re trying to make sense of something so nonsensical, as I’m sure many Republican lawmakers are, it’s certainly sad but not actually all that complicated. Trump said what he needed to get reelected and then promptly abandoned his promises in order to pursue his own self-interests, even if those interests are bad for Republicans and bad for voters.
That’s just the kind of guy he is.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.