Sometimes, it turns out that two wrongs do make a right. In politics, a steadfast commitment to doing the morally right thing disadvantages the victims of lawlessness and injustice.
The famous Italian political thinker, Niccolo Machiavelli, captured this political imperative in 1532, when he explained that “a man who wants to act virtuously in every way necessarily comes to grief among so many who are not virtuous. Therefore, if a Prince wants to maintain his rule, he must be prepared not to be virtuous, and to make use of this or not according to need.”
Public officials in blue states who are experiencing the effects of the Trump administration’s cavalier attitude toward the law are beginning to learn Machiavelli’s lesson. On June 29, NBC News reported that “Democratic legislators…are attempting to fight back against President Donald Trump’s efforts to withhold funding from their states with bills that aim to give the federal government a taste of its own medicine.”
“The novel and untested approach,” NBC went on, “would essentially allow states to withhold federal payments if lawmakers determine the federal government is delinquent in funding owed to them.”
Whether this ploy would pass constitutional muster remains to be seen. But, in the meantime, it offers states, that the Trump administration wants to punish, a way to fight back.
They should not miss this opportunity to assert state sovereignty and protect the residents of blue states from the wrath of a president who sees himself as the president of the Red States of America. His first-term record made that abundantly clear.
As the Atlantic’s Ronald Brownstein put it, “During his term in the White House, Donald Trump governed as a wartime president—with blue America, rather than any foreign country, as the adversary. He sought to use national authority to achieve factional ends—to impose the priorities of red America onto Democratic-leaning states and cities.”
Nothing has changed since the president began his second term. In fact, he has doubled down on his attacks on Democratic governors and mayors who lead places that he did not carry in November 2024.
California is a prime example. During January’s wildfires that ravaged parts of Los Angeles, the president took every opportunity to blast Governor Gavin Newsom and Mayor Karen Bass.
When he did act, he used the LA fires as an excuse to direct federal aid, not to the city, but to parts of California where he has political allies. The president “ordered federal agencies to immediately deliver more water—not to Southern California, but to the Central Valley hundreds of miles away, where agribusiness stands to profit.”
In response to demonstrations against his aggressive and indiscriminate deportation policy, Trump deployed the National Guard and a contingent of Marines in Los Angeles. He ignored the objections of Newsom and Bass and blamed them for what he called rampant lawlessness.
Following the agenda of the misbegotten Department of Government Efficiency, the administration, acting without Congressional authority, froze funds due to be paid by the federal government to states and took other punitive actions, seeming to again target blue states and cities. And where such actions were applied across the board, it is clear that they would have a disproportionate impact in blue states.
Examples include the closure of Department of Health and Human Services offices in Boston, Chicago, New York City, San Francisco, and Seattle. See any pattern here?
New York, Vermont, and California have also been singled out by the president for their efforts to mitigate climate change. In an executive order issued in April, he claimed, “These State laws and policies weaken our national security and devastate Americans by driving up energy costs for families coast-to-coast, despite some of these families not living or voting in States with these crippling policies.”
He offered no evidence to support those assertions.
Nonetheless, he recited a list of blue state trigger words and directed Attorney General Pam Bondi to “prioritize the identification of any such State laws purporting to address ‘climate change’ or involving ‘environmental, social, and governance’ initiatives, ‘environmental justice,’ carbon or ‘greenhouse gas’ emissions, and funds to collect carbon penalties or carbon taxes…[and to] expeditiously take all appropriate action to stop the enforcement of State laws.”
Until now, litigation has been the primary tool states have used to fight such discriminatory treatment.
However, as NBC News notes, legislators in places like Connecticut, Maryland, and New York are trying to open up a new way of responding. They have introduced bills to allow their states to respond by holding back payments to the federal government when the Trump administration “illegally withholds money from them for things like health care, food assistance, and environmental protections.”
This is the political equivalent of fighting fire with fire. Machiavelli would be proud.
NBC quotes David Moon, the Democratic majority leader in Maryland’s House of Delegates, who observed, “Trump is illegally withholding funds that have been previously approved. Without these funds, we are going to see Maryland residents severely harmed—we needed more options on the table for how Maryland could respond and protect its residents.”
As former Judge Nancy Gertner and two of her co-authors explain, “Federal taxes are largely collected by employers. In Massachusetts and California, the state is a major employer and could refuse to send tax dollars to the federal government. They also could mandate their local municipalities to follow suit.”
From time to time, states have invoked “states’ rights” to justify non-compliance with federal policies. But what Rep. Moon is describing is not that.
He simply wants the federal government to do what it is legally obliged to do and to recognize that it has an obligation to treat states equally unless it can demonstrate that it has a good reason not to. Partisan disagreements or political retribution are not one of them.
And we know that in terms of net revenue flows, residents and businesses in states like Massachusetts, New Jersey, Washington, and California pay more to the federal government through taxes than they receive in benefits and payments from Washington, D.C.
Withholding funds from the federal government is not a step to be taken lightly. Such efforts would surely be challenged in court and in the court of public opinion by the Trump administration.
They would tell judges that “the U.S. Constitution’s supremacy clause clearly gives the federal government precedence over states.” And they would tell the public that by withholding funds, blue states are engaging in lawless behavior.
Gertner and her colleagues caution that “a blue state boycott of federal taxes would be unlawful just as are many of Trump’s shakedowns.” That statement frames the problem.
As one after another of the guardrails and restraints on the administration fall by the wayside, its political opponents will almost certainly be the victims of more and more shakedowns. Remember Machiavelli.
In confronting and resisting the Trump administration, all of us, state government officials included, need to be inventive and courageous. Withholding funds from the federal government is one example of such inventiveness and courage.
It is well worth doing, even if it means following the advice of a sixteenth-century political strategist.
Austin Sarat is the William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College.



















A view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 25, 2026. President Donald Trump jolted Republicans during a fiery appearance at the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, scrapping a housing bill signing ceremony and clashing behind closed doors with a party rebel who challenged him over the Iran war. Trump had been expected to sign the bipartisan housing.
Only Trump doesn’t care about housing
It was August 15, 2024. Then candidate Donald Trump stepped out of his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club’s columned clubhouse to a gaggle of reporters. He was flanked by tables of groceries and signs showing the rising cost of food. Also on one of the tables was a dollhouse, meant to represent the equally alarming rise in housing prices.
It was a speech about the economy, the single most important issue of the 2024 election cycle, full of promises that went right to the heart of Americans’ anxieties. While former President Joe Biden and then Vice President Kamala Harris were contorting themselves to posture a good economy that just needed more time to recover from the pandemic, Trump was preying on voters’ very real fears of unaffordable gas, groceries, and homes. It was obviously a winning message.
In that speech, Trump promised, “We’re going to open up tracts of federal land for housing construction. We desperately need housing for people who can’t afford what’s going on now.”
As of mid-2023, there had been a housing shortage of nearly four million homes, according to the National Association of Realtors. Americans all over the country were either priced out of buying new homes due to low inventory, trapped in their existing homes by sky-high mortgage rates, or facing exorbitant rent hikes thanks to corporate investors buying up rental properties. Americans needed help, and Trump promised it.
Cut to March of 2026, when Trump reportedly told House Speaker Mike Johnson, “No one gives a sh*t about housing.”
That kind of thinking may explain why Trump this week suddenly announced he was canceling a signing ceremony for the bipartisan “21st Century ROAD to Housing Act,” a housing bill co-sponsored by Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Tim Scott that passed the House 358-32 and was approved in the Senate on Monday.
Trump instead demanded Congress pass the SAVE America Act, his controversial election grievance bill that doesn’t have enough Republican support to get passed in the Senate.
It’s just the latest in a line of policy self-owns where Trump has seemingly intentionally made life more difficult for Republicans hoping to keep their majority. Despite midterm elections occurring in the midst of a blistering economy and an unpopular war, they were surely hoping the housing bill would give them something — anything — to brag about when they returned home to their districts.
And very much to the contrary, Americans do give a sh*t about housing. According to a recent survey by the Bipartisan Policy Center, a whopping 79% say the cost of housing is extremely or very important to them. Eighty-three percent say Congress should take action on the issue — like it just did. Eighty-nine percent say the House and Senate need to work together to pass affordable housing legislation — like they just did. And 63% say they would be more likely to vote for a lawmaker if they helped pass legislation to build more affordable homes and lower housing costs — like they just did.
There aren’t many issues that unite Americans like housing does, and very few bipartisan policy wins Congress can point to, and yet, Trump is holding that bill hostage in order to get his pet project — which doesn’t even have the support of his own party — pushed through.
If you’re trying to make sense of something so nonsensical, as I’m sure many Republican lawmakers are, it’s certainly sad but not actually all that complicated. Trump said what he needed to get reelected and then promptly abandoned his promises in order to pursue his own self-interests, even if those interests are bad for Republicans and bad for voters.
That’s just the kind of guy he is.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.