In this episode of the Politics in Question podcast, the team discusses thermostatic politics to explain what it means and how it works.
Podcast: What is thermostatic politics?


In this episode of the Politics in Question podcast, the team discusses thermostatic politics to explain what it means and how it works.

U.S. President Donald Trump, with Vice President JD Vance and Speaker of the House Mike Johnson looking on, delivers his State of the Union address during a Joint Session of Congress at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump delivered his address days after the Supreme Court struck down the administration's tariff strategy and amid a U.S.
State of the Union speeches haven’t mattered in a while. Even in their heyday, they were only bringing in 60-plus million viewers, and that’s been declining substantially for decades. They rarely result in a post-speech bump for any president, and according to Gallup polling data since 1978, the average change in a president’s approval rating has been less than one percentage point in either direction.
To be sure, this is good news for President Trump. He should hope and pray this State of the Union was lightly watched.
His speech was a chaotic cacophony of lies, bigotry, gaslighting, and willful ignorance, painting the portrait of a man who has lost the country, and he knows it.
If Trump is confident about the state of the union, the health of the Republican Party, and keeping the majority come November, his unhinged and delusional address belied that confidence. Instead, his cartoonish overcompensating for a disastrous first year only drove home the point that his administration is spiraling out of control and has no plans to change course.
Sounding very much like Joe Biden and Kamala Harris — who, I’ll remind you, lost all seven swing states in 2024 — Trump bragged about a country and economy that most Americans don’t recognize.
“Our nation is back: bigger, better, richer and stronger than ever before,” he declared. “This is the golden age of America.”
Few Americans feel that way, however. Polls show Trump’s job approval is at an all-time low. Most Americans think Trump is moving the country in the wrong direction, and a plurality believes Trump is doing a worse job than Biden. Most think he’s focused on issues that aren’t very important to them, and a majority say they are very concerned about the cost of health care, food, consumer goods, and housing. Less than a third of Americans believe the economy will be better in a year.
This anxiety over the economy and health of the country could not match Trump’s bombastic gloating any less. Americans are worried and frustrated, and are in no mood for Trump’s delusional victory laps.
He didn’t fare much better on immigration, another one of Trump’s signature issues. In April of 2025, 48% of Americans approved of Trump’s handling of immigration. In the months following, which saw ICE surges in major cities, ugly confrontations with citizens, the unlawful detainment of several illegal immigrants, and the shocking deaths of two protesters, his approval has dipped to a low of 41%, with his disapproval skyrocketing to 55%.
There was no acknowledgment of this or attempt at a course-correction in his speech, though. Instead, he played to the cheapest of seats with gory tales of violence by illegal drug lords, murderers and rapists — criminals no one has an issue with removing.
Finally, on tariffs, Trump told voters the sky was green. “Everything was working well,” before the Supreme Court shot them down, he insisted, and said that “factories, jobs, investment and trillions and trillions of dollars will continue pouring into America” because of those tariffs.
But according to independent estimates, his tariffs have cost U.S. households as much as $2,600 per year and polls show a majority of Americans oppose them.
Now, if he doesn’t want to listen to voters, that’s certainly his prerogative and I imagine Democrats won’t get in his way. Republican lawmakers who are up in November, though, probably wish he’d start sounding different when he talked about the economic pain most Americans were feeling.
But they’d need a different president, one who isn’t delusional and totally unwilling to admit what most people can see and feel: the state of the union is bad, and Trump is to blame.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.

The U.S. and Israel’s joint military campaign against Iran, which rolled out under the name Operation Epic Fury, is a phrase that sounds more like a summer action film than a real‑world conflict in which people are dying. The operation involves massive strikes across Iran, with U.S. Central Command reporting that more than 1,700 targets have been hit in the first 72 hours. President Donald Trump described it as a “massive and ongoing operation” aimed at dismantling Iran’s military capabilities.
This framing matters. When leaders adopt language that emphasizes spectacle, they risk shifting public perception away from the gravity of war. The death of Iran’s supreme leader following the bombardment, for example, was a world‑altering event, yet it unfolded under a banner that evokes adrenaline rather than anguish.
The name Epic Fury does more than describe military action; it markets it. It suggests inevitability, righteousness, and even entertainment value. But war is not entertainment. It is destruction, displacement, and death. When language sanitizes or glamorizes violence, it becomes harder for the public to grapple with the ethical stakes of military force.
U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth speaks during a news conference at the Pentagon on March 2, 2026 in Arlington, Virginia. Secretary Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine held the news conference to give an update on Operation Epic Fury. (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images) (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images)
In his first briefing, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said, “Two days ago, under the direction and direct orders of President Donald J. Trump, the Department of War launched Operation Epic Fury, the most-lethal, most-complex and most-precise aerial operation in history." The phrasing is unmistakably promotional—“most-lethal,” “most-complex,” “most-precise”—as though he were unveiling a new weapons platform or a blockbuster film rather than describing a real military campaign in which real people are dying.
Hegseth’s language repeatedly frames the conflict as a long-awaited moment of righteous vengeance. He describes Iran’s actions over the past 47 years as a “savage, one-sided war against America,” and casts the U.S. response as “our retribution against their ayatollah and his death cult.” He tells the public, “If you kill Americans, if you threaten Americans anywhere on Earth, we will hunt you down without apology and without hesitation, and we will kill you.” This is not the sober language of a statesman explaining the gravity of war. It is the language of a revenge narrative—one that reduces complex geopolitical realities to a simple morality play.
The danger of this rhetoric is not merely stylistic. It shapes how the public understands the conflict. When Hegseth boasts that “America… is unleashing the most lethal and precise air power campaign in history” and celebrates the absence of “stupid rules of engagement” or “politically correct wars,” he is not simply describing military strategy. He is signaling that restraint, proportionality, and international law are obstacles to be discarded. He is inviting the public to view the overwhelming force not only as justified but also exhilarating.
This framing obscures the human consequences of the operation. Iranian cities have been struck repeatedly. Civilian infrastructure has been damaged. Families are fleeing. Hospitals are overwhelmed. These realities are nowhere in Hegseth’s remarks. Instead, he speaks of “epic fury,” “lethality,” and a “generational turning point,” as though the suffering of ordinary people is irrelevant to the story he wants to tell. Even when acknowledging American casualties, he uses them to justify further escalation: “No apologies, no hesitation, epic fury for them and the thousands of Americans before them taken too soon by Iranian radicals.”
The rhetoric also encourages a dangerous sense of inevitability and triumphalism. Hegseth tells U.S. troops, “We are not defenders anymore. We are warriors, trained to kill the enemy and break their will.” He assures them, “We will finish this on America-first conditions of President Trump’s choosing, nobody else’s.” This is not the language of limited, carefully calibrated military action. It is the language of totalizing conflict—conflict framed as destiny, as purification, as a test of national character.
When war is framed this way, dissent becomes harder. Nuance becomes suspect. Civilian casualties become collateral to a narrative of righteous fury. And the public becomes more likely to accept open-ended conflict when it is packaged as a spectacle rather than a tragedy.
The United States has a long history of naming military operations in ways that evoke purpose or resolve—Desert Storm, Enduring Freedom, Inherent Resolve. But Epic Fury marks a shift toward something more explicitly theatrical. It is not a name meant to clarify objectives or communicate seriousness. It is a name meant to excite, to dramatize, to sell.
War is not a product. It is not a storyline. It is not a moment for branding. It is a human catastrophe, even when undertaken for reasons leaders deem necessary. When officials adopt language that glamorizes violence and reduces geopolitical complexity to a revenge narrative, they erode the public’s ability to understand the true stakes of military action.
The question now is whether the public will accept this Hollywood‑style packaging of war—or whether it will demand a return to language that reflects the gravity of life, death, and the responsibilities of a democratic nation.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network
The record of the Trump 2.0 administration is one of repeated usurpations and injuries to the body politic: fundamentally at odds with the principles of democracy, without legal or ethical restraint, hostile to truth, and indifferent to human suffering. Our nation desperately needs a stout and engaging response from the party out-of-power. It’s necessary but not sufficient for Democrats to criticize Trump, rehearsing what they are against. If it is to generate renewed enthusiasm among voters, the Democratic Party must offer a compelling positive message, stating clearly what it stands for.
Fortunately, Democrats don’t need to reinvent this wheel. They can reach back to a fraught moment in our history when a president brought forward a timely and nationally unifying message, framed within a coherent, memorable, and inspiring set of ideas. In his address to Congress on Jan. 6, 1941 – a full 12 months before Pearl Harbor – Franklin Delano Roosevelt termed the international spread of fascism an “unprecedented” threat to U.S. security. He also identified dangers on the home front: powerful isolationist leanings and, in certain quarters, popular support for Nazi ideology. Calling for increased military preparation and war production (along with higher taxes), he reminded citizens “what the downfall of democratic nations [abroad] might mean to our own democracy.”
Roosevelt framed his speech by naming four “essential human freedoms,” applicable not just domestically but “everywhere in the world”:
The first are First Amendment guarantees. The last two spoke directly to a nation still emerging from the Great Depression and anxious about international turmoil. The idea that Americans could escape the stain of want and the paralysis of fear resonated across the country. The popular artist Norman Rockwell executed a series of four paintings illustrating each idea. When they appeared as covers on the Saturday Evening Post, the magazine received 25,000 requests for reprints. After we entered World War II, all four ideas served as touchstones, illuminating what we were fighting for.
Fast-forward to the present, which bears an uncanny resemblance to Roosevelt’s world. Along with a terrible disconnect: For FDR, the threats to our nation and its values overwhelmingly emanated from abroad. He could scarcely have imagined that 85 years later the menace would reside in the White House. The 32nd president would be aghast at how the 47th has, in the words of Fareed Zakaria, “declared war on civil society.” Trump has normalized criminal behavior and criminalized constitutionally protected actions – systematically undermining each of the Four Freedoms:
Democrats must not lose sight of pressing kitchen table issues and, above all, the existential threat facing our democracy. But they need to put forward a clearly drawn and detailed plan – couched in the kind of unadorned language Roosevelt used so effectively – to demonstrate how a properly functioning government can restore and extend each of these four fundamental freedoms; How a new generation of enlightened, ethical, and compassionate political leaders can repair the Trump administration’s damage through legislation and responsible governing; And finally, how this “Project 2029” can spark a rebirth of liberty, equality, and prosperity. If properly articulated, such a pledge will resonate with everyday citizens, as it did in Roosevelt’s era. The American people thirst for a forward-looking, hopeful, and elevating message to reawaken faith in our institutions and our deepest values. The scaffold is here, just waiting to be given voice.
Philip A. Glotzbach, Ph.D. is president emeritus of Skidmore College. He is the author of Embrace Your Freedom: Winning Strategies to Succeed in College and in Life, a book of guidance for college students and their parents in these troubled times.
Beau Breslin, Ph.D. holds the Joseph C. Palamountain Jr. Chair in Government at Skidmore College.

U.S. President Donald Trump delivers the State of the Union address during a joint session of Congress in the House Chamber at the Capitol on February 24, 2026 in Washington, DC.
It’s hard to recall all of President Trump’s most outrageous remarks from his second term in office. For most presidents, even one of these would have been damaging, but not for Trump. There were so many that they became one political storm after another, with each new one blurring the memory of the previous one.
Even many of Trump’s strongest supporters admit that some of his statements can’t be defended. In case recent events have blurred together, here’s a recap of Trump’s 10 most outrageous statements or actions since he returned to the White House just over a year ago:
1. Suggesting Elections Could Be Suspended if the U.S. Is “In a War." During an Oval Office meeting with President Zelenskyy, Trump said: “So let me just say, three‑and‑a‑half years from now… So you mean if we happen to be in a war with somebody, no more elections. I wonder what the fake news would say to that.” Five months later, he appeared to question the need for elections altogether. “When you think of it, we shouldn’t even have an election,” he told Reuters, boasting that he had accomplished so much that midterms were unnecessary. For a sitting president to muse publicly about suspending elections was widely viewed as one of the most destabilizing statements of his presidency.
2. Invoking the Alien Enemies Act to Justify Sweeping Wartime Powers. The administration claimed the U.S. was being “invaded” by a Venezuelan gang and used this to justify extraordinary executive authority, including the capture of Nicolás Maduro. Legal scholars across the political spectrum described the move as unprecedented.
3. Claiming His “Own Morality” Is the Only Limit on His Power. In a New York Times interview, Trump dismissed traditional checks and balances, saying the only constraint on his presidential authority was “my own morality. My own mind.” The remark alarmed constitutional experts who noted that presidents typically emphasize institutional limits, not personal ones.
4. Proposing a U.S. Takeover of the Gaza Strip. At a White House press conference, Trump said the U.S. should assume “long‑term ownership” of Gaza after the war and oversee its reconstruction. “We’ll own it and be responsible for dismantling all of the dangerous unexploded bombs and other weapons on the site,” he said, according to BBC reporting. The idea that the United States could simply take control of Gaza, home to more than two million Palestinians, stunned diplomats. For a president to float the unilateral takeover of foreign territory was widely viewed as one of the most extreme foreign‑policy statements of his second term.
5. Reviving His Bid To Acquire Greenland. Trump again insisted he was “very serious” about the U.S. acquiring Greenland, calling it essential for national security and Arctic strategy. He suggested the U.S. might pursue control “whether they like it or not,” either the “easy way or the hard way,” and threatened tariffs on NATO and European allies who opposed the idea. Danish officials called the proposal “absurd,” but Trump continued to raise it publicly.
6. The Rob Reiner Death Statement. After Rob and Michele Reiner were murdered, Trump posted a message suggesting Reiner’s death was linked to “a mind‑crippling disease known as TRUMP DERANGEMENT SYNDROME,” and called him paranoid and obsessed.
7. Calling Canada America’s "51st U.S. state." Throughout the past year, Trump repeatedly referred to Canada as America’s “51st state.” He floated the idea that Canada could “become a state” to eliminate tariffs and simplify trade disputes. During a bilateral meeting with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, Trump said Canada might be “better off as part of the U.S.” Carney rejected the idea, but Trump added, “never say never,” leaving diplomats stunned.
8. Repeating Unfounded Claims About Elections and Political Rivals. Trump repeatedly returned to unfounded claims about elections and political opponents, insisting the 2020 election had been “rigged and stolen” despite the absence of evidence. He described rivals as “corrupt,” “crooked,” and “enemies of the people,” framing them as existential threats rather than democratic opponents. He also warned that Democrats would “cheat again” in upcoming elections and claimed that only “a fair vote” — a term he never defined — would allow Republicans to win.
9. Framing Domestic Issues as “War,” “Invasion,” or “Terrorism.” Trump repeatedly used war‑like language to describe domestic issues, especially immigration and crime. He said the U.S. was “being invaded,” called the southern border “a war zone,” and described migrants as “terrorists.” In speeches, he warned supporters that “this is a war for the survival of our nation” and insisted Americans must “take our country back.” Experts note that this framing helps justify extraordinary executive action in contexts where such language has never been used before.
10. Attacking Elon Musk With False Claims and Personal Insults. As Trump’s relationship with Elon Musk deteriorated, he launched a series of attacks filled with false claims and personal insults. He wrote: “Elon Musk is a bullsh*t artist” and “He came to the White House begging for help.” He also falsely suggested Musk was implicated in the Jeffrey Epstein scandal, saying Musk had “a lot of problems coming” and hinting that his name would appear in unreleased documents — a claim for which no evidence has surfaced.
Of course, there are many more. But listing them only would distract from the deeper question too often overlooked:
Are these remarks just random outbursts, or are they part of a deliberate strategy to control and distort the public conversation?
The pattern is now clear. Trump says something extreme, his critics react with shock, and his supporters normalize it. After a day or two of dominating the news, the story shifts again. The shocking remark or action is quickly replaced by the next provocation.
This isn’t random. It’s a strategy to control the news cycle and dull the impact of the outrageous. Trump’s statements, whether cruel, hyperbolic, delegitimizing, or cast in the language of war, serve a consistent purpose. They keep the public in a state of reactive attention. When the political environment is shaped by his words, he controls the frame. When opponents feel compelled to respond, he controls the message. When institutions scramble to interpret or contain his statements, he controls the terrain.
In this environment, complexity works against his opponents. Nuance is treated as a weakness. Any expression of concern is dismissed as Trump Derangement Syndrome. And so the country gets trapped in a cycle where the president’s most extreme statements aren’t outliers but instruments. They shape what the public debates, what the media amplifies, and what his supporters come to see as normal.
The danger isn’t just in the statements themselves. It’s in the overall effect: a dangerous political culture where shock replaces substance, and the president’s words become the gravitational center of national life. So the question is no longer whether Trump’s remarks are outrageous. They are. The question is whether we recognize the cost of living inside a narrative architecture built on provocation, dominance, and perpetual destabilization and develop an effective strategy to counter it.
Because if we don’t see the strategy, we end up playing into it.
And if we don’t push back, we risk accepting a political reality where truth, trust, reason, civility, and the dignity of all people—the values that once anchored American democracy—are seen not as shared commitments but as weaknesses to be used against us.
But specifically, what does resist mean? What should the media’s best response be? What should his opponents do, and what is the public's role as this all plays out?
The Media: If Trump’s provocations are strategic, then the media’s reflexive outrage is part of the system he relies on. The solution is not to ignore his statements, as they are too consequential for that. Instead, they must change the approach. Instead of focusing on the shock, journalists can highlight the pattern, the repetition, the escalation, and the political purpose behind the chaos. They can provide context rather than sensationalize, analyze rather than react, and refuse to let the most inflammatory remark of the day eclipse the underlying policy consequences. This means shifting from constant “breaking news” to structural reporting. Less “can you believe what he just said?” and more “here is how these fit into a long‑running strategy to control the narrative and destabilize democratic norms." When the press stops feeding the fire, the blaze diminishes and so does the strategy built on it.
Opponents: Trump’s political opponents face a different challenge. Every time they respond to his most extreme statements, they reinforce his centrality. And their outrage becomes a trap. The alternative is not silence — it is reframing.
Opponents can shift the discussion back to concrete issues, lived experience, and the practical consequences of governance. They can highlight the gap between spectacle and substance, between rhetoric and results.
The best way to counter the politics of provocation is with steadiness. This doesn’t mean being passive or pretending both sides are the same. It means refusing to get pulled into daily drama. When opponents share a vision grounded in stability, competence, and shared democratic values, they offer the public something Trump’s approach can’t: a sense of direction anchored in shared democratic values and the ethical responsibility we owe one another as citizens.
The Public’s Role: Ultimately, the solution is not about institutions; it is about culture. Democracy cannot function when its citizens are always on edge. The first step to breaking the cycle is to recognize how manipulation works: the cycle of provocation, reaction, normalization, and forgetting. When people see the pattern, it loses its hold.
The Bigger Danger: The bigger danger isn’t that Trump says outrageous things—it’s that we grow accustomed to them. We must actively resist the erosion of standards, the dulling of outrage, and the normalization of what should never be accepted. Democracy depends not only on laws and institutions, but on our collective willingness to distinguish truth from spectacle, leadership from dominance, and real governance from chaos.
First, we must see his strategy clearly and refuse to be governed by it. But clarity alone isn’t enough. The moment demands that we begin the harder work of rebuilding a civic culture where truth, dignity, and democratic norms are not vulnerabilities to be exploited but moral commitments we choose to uphold. Our democracy requires the ethical courage to defend the values that make self‑government possible.
David L. Nevins is the publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
Trump needs to get ready for the blowback