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Foreign interference in democracy

Foreign interference in democracy
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Rosemary Smith is the Managing Director of the Getting Better Foundation. Her background in media, marketing, and communications is well suited to further GBF’s mission of building trust through education about positive human progress and behavior.

In 2015, Getting Better Foundation (GBF) was formed with the objective of “Building trust through truth” with the strategy of helping people understand how to properly consume media.


GBF founder Joe Phelps believed then, as he does now, that media literacy helps to find the truth and protects us from mis- and dis-information.

“The more people trust one another, the more they are willing to help one another. Trust is the foundation of civilization and creates upward spirals.”

In 2020 GBF finished the production of “Trust Me,” a feature documentary about the problems caused by media illiteracy and for the film to to help raise the awareness of the need for media literacy. Recently, “Trust Me” received the Walter Cronkite Excellence in Journalism award for the feature film and its educational program written by the News Literacy Project. The film and curriculum serve as guides for schools, universities, and for all of us as parents and grandparents.

"Trust Me" brings awareness of people's need for media literacy to build trust, lessen polarization, and preserve democracy. Oscar-nominated Roko Belic traveled the world filming true stories where a lack of media literacy led to crisis, like the New Zealand parents who nearly lost their son due to misinformation they’d read online. Or, a young professional man killed by a Murki, a lynch mob in India, because the community circulated misinformation about a kidnapper on WhatsApp. Or the Chicago parents who are afraid to let their children play outdoors for fear of them being “taken.” And good news stories from schools seeing declines in student anxiety, depression and suicidology since implementing media literacy in classrooms. Roko then interviewed experts in psychology, journalism, and media literacy, who explain why our brains respond to sensational media. These experts then provide tools for us to use to become more resilient and collaborative.

The film has become a darling of the U.S. State Department who has declared media literacy a strategic defense priority.... screening the movie at embassies, universities, schools, and American Corners globally.

This first clip is called "Foreign Interference in Democracy." It demonstrates how war mongering governments like Vladimir Putin's, have been waging cyber conflict for decades. Experts then explain how we can identify online manipulation, abstain from “liking” and “clicking” on mal-information, and how we might protect others.

“Foreign Interference”

The full film is streaming here. All of the licensing and streaming fees go toward the 501c3 non-profit Getting Better Foundation and are utilized for media literacy.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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