It may be shrewd politics, but it’s disastrous policy: offer upfront benefits like tax cuts but delay the painful provisions for future years. That’s exactly what Congress has done with the so-called “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” (OBBBA). Don’t be misled by the name. This partial repeal of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) is, in effect, the largest cut to health care in U.S. history.
The bill is projected to cut federal Medicaid spending by $793 billion and reduce financial assistance to those who buy insurance through ACA Marketplace by another $268 billion over the next decade. Admittedly, the bill will provide some tax benefits, primarily to those with higher incomes, but at tremendous costs to many of our friends and neighbors.
States are now scrambling to assess the impact on their residents and budgets. According to Congressional estimates, this bill—combined with anticipated regulatory changes—could leave 16 million more Americans uninsured, including those on Medicaid and those who gained coverage through the ACA marketplaces. The consequences won’t be immediate, but they will be profound.
Budget Deficit Hawks Should be Screaming
If you care about balanced budgets, you should hate this bill. While its supporters tout cuts to federal spending, the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” actually increases the national deficit—and shifts significant costs onto states and local governments. The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office projects that the bill will add $3.4 trillion to the deficit between 2025 and 2034. Even the business-friendly Tax Foundation, using a model that includes projected revenue growth, estimates a $3.0 trillion increase over the same period. That’s a staggering amount of debt—and a warning sign for anyone who cares about fiscal responsibility.
How OBBBA Rolls Back Health Care Gains
In 2017, Trump also tried to kill the Affordable Care Act (ACA), but one vote—-Senator John McCain’s in the U.S. Senate—- prevented that from happening. Not this time. Republicans voted in lockstep with the President, and the result threatens to undo much of the progress achieved since the ACA was enacted. By 2023, the uninsured rate in the U.S. had dropped to just 8%—the lowest in history and nearly half of what it was in 2010. Among the elderly, the uninsured rate is below 1%. In Virginia, the ACA and Medicaid expansion in 2018 made a major difference: the Virginia Health Care Foundation reports the nonelderly uninsured rate fell from 14.3% to 7.6% between 2013 and 2023.
Now, the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) threatens to unravel these gains. How will this happen?
[NOTE TO READER—MANY OF YOUR FRIENDS WHO SUPPORTED TRUMP REFUSE TO BELIEVE THAT THIS BILL WILL HAVE SUCH EFFECTS. WHILE THE ANALYSIS BELOW MAY SEEM DENSE, PASS IT ALONG TO THOSE WITH WHOM YOU DISAGREE. IF THEY STILL SUPPORT THE BILL KNOWING WHAT IT WILL DO, THAT IS UNFORTUNATE BUT REMAINS THEIR RIGHT]
First, millions will lose Medicaid benefits. The precise numbers will depend on how states interpret the work requirements in the bill (a June, 2025 Urban Institute study found 69% of Medicaid expansion enrollees already work or go to school), but the CBO projects that by 2034, those with Medicaid coverage would decrease by about 7.8 million adults. This is one reason why the bill is so unpopular, even in rural areas known for their conservative politics.
Second, tax subsidies available to citizens to help them purchase private insurance on the health care exchanges will be cut. Experts predict that those insurance premiums will then skyrocket, and many people will drop their insurance simply because of cost. Apparently, Republican Congress members either ignored ---or did not care about ---the analysis of the Congressional Budget Office, which concluded that changes in the subsidies would lead between 3 and 5 million Americans to lose health insurance in the next decade by abandoning the marketplace.
The collapse of the exchanges will also affect hospitals forced to serve those who need care but cannot pay. And since the healthiest are more likely to take the chance of abandoning insurance altogether, the pool of those remaining in the program will be costlier to service, therefore raising health insurance premiums in general.
Moreover, some insurance companies, believing that they will lose money providing health insurance through the marketplaces, may leave the program altogether. In early July, Aetna announced it would pull out of the ACA marketplace in Virginia and 16 other states as part of a strategy to reduce its participation nationwide. If other companies do the same, there will be fewer choices for consumers, and higher prices will likely result. Market forces are strong, and Trump and his allies ignore them at our peril.
If You Like Local Hospitals, Worry about this Bill
A recent analysis by the Center for Healthcare Quality and Payment Reform indicated that more than 700 rural hospitals nationally already risk closing because of financial problems, including seven in Virginia. This bill will make those challenges greater. First, even if people lose Medicaid or drop out of the exchanges, they will still need treatment and will go to emergency rooms to get it. But with no insurance available to pay for the services, hospitals will either be forced to eat the expenses or turn to their states, which may or may not reimburse this uncompensated care. Academic medical centers like the University of Virginia Health System and VCU Health will be squeezed by new restrictions on what they can charge for care.
But it is a lesser-known provision in the federal legislation that will hurt the most. In the last decade, states were permitted to collect what are called “provider fees” from hospitals, surcharges on all patients for care and services. Those fees were then used by the states to draw down additional federal monies to reimburse hospitals for Medicaid patient care. Under the OBBBA, provider fees will decrease each year beginning 2028, making less money available for states seeking to draw down federal dollars, and likely reducing state reimbursements to hospitals.
At the last minute, the Senate included $10 billion in one-time funding in the bill to lessen impacts on rural communities. Lawmakers from rural areas and swing districts like Virginians Rob Wittman and Jen Kiggans, both of whom initially expressed concerns about Medicaid cuts, will likely explain their final support for the bill by referencing this provision.
Don’t let them duck the real impacts! Half of the $10 billion each year will be distributed evenly across states that apply for it. The other half will be distributed by the head of the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services — currently Dr. Mehmet Oz. But even if states can access the money, it is not enough to fix the problem. Research from the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) finds that the money would only offset about one-third of the estimated Medicaid cuts in rural communities.
Watch Your Medicare
Remember Trump and Republican pledges that they would not touch Medicare? Well, this bill potentially does just that. Provisions of PAYGO legislation of 2010 requires certain cuts to federal programs if subsequent legislation increases the deficit. Since the OBBBA will increase the deficit, it would trigger, absent Congressional action, about $500 billion in mandatory cuts to the Medicare program between 2026 and 2034, including a 4% reduction in payments to hospitals. Trump promised not to touch Medicare, but without Congressional action, that is precisely what this bill will do.
State Budgets will Suffer
Reduction in “provider fees” will mean less money coming to states from the federal government. States like Virginia, who were using these to pay their 10 percent cost share for services to the Medicaid expansion population, will have to find another source to replace those lost fees or cut services.
Since the federal reimbursements for Medicaid will decline, states will need to absorb additional costs in their budgets, tighten Medicaid eligibility, or both. Even as the Medicaid population declines, then, state funding obligations will not necessarily follow. The bill imposes new work requirements on recipients and compels states to reduce error rates administering the program. Both are admirable goals, but they come with costs that will be assumed by state and local governments. When work requirements were implemented in Arkansas and Georgia, administrative costs increased dramatically. As part of the 2018 deal to expand Medicaid in Virginia, the state imposed work requirements on the expansion population but abandoned them shortly thereafter when they were found to be unworkable. And hospitals will be seeking larger reimbursements for uncompensated care. Taxpayers will pay, one way or the other.
The Battle Now Moves to the States
Republicans structured many of the OBBBA’s deepest cuts to take effect after the midterms. New rules like Medicaid work requirements won’t begin until 2027, and some analysts say the most severe consequences won’t occur until 2028. The federal government will have to issue guidance to the states about how to implement the bill. Still, the fiscal trajectory is clear: federal Medicaid reimbursements to states are expected to drop by over $1 trillion over the next decade.
Some states will feel the pain more than others. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, more than half of the cuts in rural health care spending will be concentrated in just twelve states—all of which expanded Medicaid under the ACA. Topping the list is Kentucky (a $12 billion hit), followed by North Carolina and Virginia. Kentucky and North Carolina have Democratic governors and Republican legislatures. Virginia is the opposite, with a GOP governor and Democratic legislative control. Virginia’s Governor Youngkin has embraced OBBBA, dismissing concerns about its effects as “exaggerated” and “made up.” That could be a political miscalculation: polls suggest that Virginia Democrats may secure full control of state government this fall. Four of the twelve hardest-hit states—Missouri, Louisiana, Ohio, and Oklahoma—are led by Trump-aligned Republicans who have long supported ACA rollbacks.
While states cannot stop the elimination of federal tax subsidies that help people afford Marketplace insurance, their policies will make a huge difference in how their residents will experience the changes. States will still have some control over Medicaid eligibility, implementation, and funding levels. How will they enforce, for example, work requirements? Will they use rural health grants to protect Medicaid recipients’ access to health care—or just channel them into supporting the bottom line of hospitals? Will they use state dollars to replace federal subsidies that will be lost by those who have insurance through the ACA marketplace? State decisions on how to interpret new federal rules and allocate funds will shape how much coverage remains—and for whom.
This is where your vote matters. Virginia and New Jersey both hold statewide elections this fall, and, in addition to elections for the U.S. House and Senate, voters in 36 states will choose governors in November 2026. The OBBBA’s full impact will be determined by these elections. Polls show the public sees through this bill. Hopefully, that awareness will translate into electoral wins that can blunt the damage ahead.
Red Wave Health Care Tsunami is Coming was originally published on the Substack "Fights of Our Lives" and is republished with permission.
David J. Toscano is an attorney in Charlottesville, Virginia and former Mayor. He served fourteen years in Virginia’s House of Delegates, including seven as the Democratic Leader.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.