In 2024, Americans were promised a year of renewal. The election was meant to usher in stability after years of tumult, a chance to repair what had been so badly frayed. Instead, the campaign season laid bare a more uncomfortable truth: the United States is not simply divided by partisan politics. It is, in practice, two very different countries—one that thrives in abundance and another that stumbles from crisis to crisis, hoping not to slip further behind.
The numbers are stark. More than 40 million Americans lived in poverty last year. Nearly 14 million children went hungry. Homelessness surged to almost 772,000 people—an 18 percent rise, the sharpest increase ever recorded. Meanwhile, credit card debt soared past $1.14 trillion, with delinquency rates at their highest in a decade. For families who once defined the middle class, the American Dream now resembles an eviction notice.
These figures are not abstractions. They manifest in sprawling tent encampments under Los Angeles overpasses, where blocks resemble refugee camps. They appear in small-town West Virginia or rural New Mexico, where shuttered hospitals and vacant storefronts testify to economic collapse. One America enjoys nearly 70 percent of the nation’s wealth. The other America counts coins at the gas pump. Both share the same borders, but they may as well be different planets.
No divide is crueller than the one in health care. The United States spends more per capita on medical care than any other wealthy democracy, yet Americans live shorter lives, bury more infants, and endure more inequality than their peers abroad. The Commonwealth Fund’s 2024 assessment was blunt: Americans pay the most and get the least.
That frustration boiled over in December, when the shocking assassination of the UnitedHealthcare CEO briefly dominated headlines. The act, carried out by a lone, unstable gunman, cannot be defended. Yet the chilling words he left behind—“delay, deny, depose”—echoed a grievance familiar to millions of Americans trapped in a system where companies profit from their pain. One in three adults reports skipping treatment because of costs. Nearly one in ten lacks insurance entirely.
Meanwhile, the opioid epidemic rages on. More than 100,000 people died of overdoses in 2023, most involving fentanyl. Pharmaceutical giants continue to spend millions lobbying Congress while offering paltry support for treatment and prevention. The imbalance is glaring: a nation awash in billion-dollar advertising campaigns yet starved of affordable rehabilitation centers.
Perhaps no indictment of American exceptionalism is more damning than the plight of its children. In 2024, over 1,400 people were killed by guns. More than 500 mass shootings unfolded, 45 of them in schools. Parents send kids to classrooms where the fear is not low test scores but bullets. In the eyes of much of the world, this is now what sets the United States apart.
The cruelty does not end there. Police killed more than 1,300 people last year, disproportionately Black. Four years after the racial justice protests that followed George Floyd’s murder, little has structurally changed. Nearly two million Americans remain behind bars—about 40 percent of the world’s prison population—a figure that points to punishment as policy, not fairness as principle.
Women fare a little better. Five million live in counties without obstetric care. Post-Roe restrictions have driven doctors out of some states, creating “reproductive deserts” where basic health care is inaccessible. Meanwhile, child labor has crept back from the pages of history. In 2024, more than 4,000 minors were found illegally employed in construction, agriculture, and meatpacking plants. Some legislatures have even loosened protections, dressing exploitation in the rhetoric of “economic necessity.”
Migrants, too, bear the brunt of America’s cruelty. Border deaths doubled in two years, with 168 recorded in El Paso alone in 2024. Detention centers remain rife with abuse, earning comparisons from rights groups to “black sites.” Hundreds of migrant children disappeared into unvetted sponsor networks, some winding up in forced labor. These are not anomalies in the system; they are the system.
Yet Washington continues with its theatrics. The 2024 election season was consumed by billionaire-funded campaign blitzes over immigration and other wedge issues, while poverty and health care barely registered in televised debates. The chasm between political spectacle and lived reality grows ever wider. By year’s end, nearly half of Americans doubted the government could meet their needs. Among the young, most declared the “American Dream” either a fiction or long dead.
To bridge the chasm between America’s two nations, policymakers must prioritize evidence-based reforms that redistribute resources and address the root causes of inequality, drawing from successful international models. For poverty and hunger, which affect over 40 million Americans, including 14 million children, expanding social safety nets like universal basic income pilots or enhanced child tax credits could mirror Finland’s comprehensive welfare system, where poverty rates hover around 12 percent through universal child benefits and job training programs, significantly lower than the United States’ 17.8 percent. Similarly, homelessness could be tackled via a “Housing First” approach, as implemented in Finland since 2008, which has reduced long-term homelessness by 76 percent by providing unconditional housing with support services, contrasting with the punitive shelter systems in the U.S. that exacerbate cycles of instability. On health care, adopting a universal single-payer model like Canada’s could eliminate inequities, where per capita spending is half that of the U.S., yet life expectancy is higher (82 years vs. 77) and infant mortality is lower (4.3 vs. 5.3 per 1,000 births), ensuring access without financial barriers and reducing administrative waste.
Confronting violence and injustice demands structural changes in criminal justice and public safety, inspired by global successes that prioritize prevention over punishment. Gun violence, claiming over 1,400 children’s lives in 2024, could be curbed through strict licensing and buyback programs like Australia’s 1996 reforms, which halved firearm homicides and eliminated mass shootings for decades by banning semi-automatics and requiring background checks. Police killings, disproportionately affecting Black Americans at over 1,300 annually, might decline with demilitarization and community oversight, as seen in the UK’s model, where officers are unarmed and killings average under three per year, emphasizing de-escalation training and accountability. Mass incarceration, with nearly two million behind bars, could be reduced by decriminalizing non-violent offenses and expanding rehabilitation, following Norway’s approach, where recidivism is 20 percent (vs. 67 percent in the U.S.) through education-focused prisons and shorter sentences.
For women’s reproductive health, integrating comprehensive care into universal systems like those in Canada ensures no “reproductive deserts,” with maternal mortality rates at 23 per 100,000 (vs. 32 in the U.S.), by guaranteeing free access to contraception and abortion. Child labor, affecting over 4,000 minors, requires stricter enforcement akin to the EU’s bans on hazardous work for individuals under 18 years old, coupled with free education mandates that have virtually eliminated it in countries like Germany. Finally, humane migrant policies, addressing border deaths and abuse, could emulate Canada’s points-based system with robust refugee protections, integrating over one million immigrants annually with lower exploitation rates through vetted sponsorships and rights-based detention alternatives. By shifting from spectacle to substance, America can reclaim its promise, ensuring prosperity is shared and dignity upheld for all.
This is the paradox of American power: the richest country on earth, home to dazzling technological feats and cultural dynamism, yet incapable—or unwilling—to address crises that other democracies resolved decades ago. Universal health care, drastically lower rates of homelessness, and far less gun violence are the norm elsewhere. In the United States, exceptionalism lies not in achievement but in the stubborn refusal to change.
The persistence of hunger, homelessness, untreated illness, and child exploitation is not about scarcity. It is about priorities. Too often, policymakers choose corporate donors over citizens, short-term theatrics over structural reform. The costs fall not on the wealthy but on the millions trapped in the “other America.”
History suggests such imbalances cannot hold forever. Inequality breeds instability. Anger, once dismissed as marginal, can harden into extremism. The world has already seen how social fractures in the United States fuel its political turmoil. Unless the calculus shifts, the gap between America’s two nations will only widen. For a brief moment in 2024, voters were told they were participating in a renewal. The task now is to make that promise real, not through rhetoric, but through action that heals a fractured society.
Imran Khalid is a physician, geostrategic analyst, and freelance writer.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.