Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

There’s a Shortage of Teachers of Color—Support Begins in Preservice Education

Opinion

A teacher passing out papers to students in a classroom.

California’s teacher shortage highlights inequities in teacher education. Supporting and retaining teachers of color starts with racially just TEPs.

Getty Images, Maskot

The LAist reported a shortage of teachers in Southern California, and especially a shortage of teachers of color. In California, almost 80% of public school students are students of color, while 64.4% of teachers are white. (Nationally, 80% of teachers are white, and over 50% of public school students are of color.) The article suggests that to support and retain teachers requires an investment in teacher candidates (TCs), mostly through full funding given that many teachers can’t afford such costly fast paced teacher education programs (TEPs), where they have no time to work for extra income. Ensuring affordability for these programs to recruit and sustain teachers, and especially teachers of color, is absolutely critical, but TEPs must consider additional supports, including culturally relevant curriculum, faculty of color they can trust and space for them to build community among themselves.

Hundreds of thousands of aspiring teachers enroll in TEPs, yet preservice teachers of color are a clear minority. A study revealed that 48 U.S. states and Washington, D.C have higher percentages of white TCs than they do white public-school students. Furthermore, in 35 of the programs that had enrollment of 400 or more, 90% of enrollees were white. Scholar Christine Sleeter declared an “overwhelming presence of whiteness” in teacher education and expert Cheryl Matias discussed how TEPs generate “emotionalities of whiteness,” meaning feelings such as guilt and defensiveness in white people, might result in people of color protecting white comfort instead of addressing the root issues and manifestations of racism.


Isolation and pushout of teachers of color, as well as their resilience in the field is well documented. What’s less known is the struggles of teachers in training of color in TEPs and what helps them thrive. Our recent research documented two case studies that involve future teachers of color (FToC) affinity groups. What we found in this study and our continued research of FToCs is that many of these TCs experienced a dominating presence of whiteness and added labor on their part to advocate for their needs.

This manifested in different ways as we saw from just one cohort of FToC. Over the FToC meetings, TCs shared their joys and challenges, but ultimately used the time to organize to better the program. They drafted up key issues and suggestions for TEP leadership and requested a meeting with the director. Several issues were addressed by FToC members, one being poor relationships with cooperating teachers (the classroom teacher they served their practicum with). Another major issue was not having support to teach Ethnic Studies classes, which meets the new California requirement for high school graduates to take an Ethnic Studies course. Not only did they express that the TEP was ill prepared to train candidates in Ethnic Studies, but they experienced resistance to being placed in Ethnic Studies classrooms despite a robust Ethnic Studies program in the partnering school district. When candidates were placed with an Ethnic Studies teacher, they were with a white cooperating teacher.

In general, FToC members felt that coursework was absent of culturally relevant pedagogy. When classes were centered around race and justice, they felt that white voices overpowered the classroom and that their white instructors allowed this. Candidates wanted instructors to take more accountability for enforcing a balanced conversation, instead of candidates of color feeling left out of these conversations despite their lived experiences of racism. Overall, there were very few critical instructors of color in the program that the TCs of color could trust.

Yet, despite the group’s efforts, all while student teaching and completing coursework, the director responded to their concerns with, “I hope this doesn’t sound dismissive, I think a lot of things you bring up sound like very generic things that are not feeling prepared to teach. I think it’s really normal to feel like you’re not prepared to teach.”

Unfortunately, this does sound dismissive. Unfortunately, experiencing such challenges related to racism and whiteness is not generic, should not be “normal,” and is not what all new teachers experience. As former classroom teachers and teacher educators of color, we know that TEPs need to be intentional with supporting TCs of color. A start might look like creating the space, time and resources for an FToC affinity group. Furthermore, FToC must be supported by the institution, where the faculty of color or students of color who run them are materially supported, through course releases or financial compensation. Relatedly, TEPs need to hire more critical professors of color so that the labor does not fall on just one professor to hold space for TCs of color. As 91% of tenure track instructors in TEPs are white, programs need to commit to a collective racial literacy, where all instructors have an understanding of how structural racism operates, can teach in culturally sustaining ways, and are versed in the unique needs of teachers of color.

We can learn from this case study of one FToC, whose members were not just aspiring teachers but stepped up as leaders to advocate for a better TEP experience. There must be more intention to sustain teachers of color in the profession, beginning with preservice teacher education. TEPs must be intentional in creating equitable and racially just teacher education that is needed to combat whiteness and enact change to better the experience for future teachers of colors and in turn, their students.


Hui-Ling S. Malone is a Public Voices fellow of The OpEd Project and the University of California Santa Barbara, where she is an Assistant Professor of Education.

Paula CT Sevilla is a Ph.D. Candidate in Education at the University of California, Santa Barbara


Read More

Members of a women's softball team cheerfully join hands during practice on a sunny day, showcasing team spirit, cooperation, and enthusiasm for the sport.

Do trans women have a strength advantage? A look at studies on hormone therapy, muscle mass, and why it should determine eligibility in women's sports.

luza studios/Getty Images

Trans Females Are Not Biological Males - Let Them Play on Female Teams

Most Americans, Democrats as well as Republicans—many following the lead of President Trump—feel that it is not right for trans females to participate in women's sports. But the trans community, supported by those on the left wing of the Democratic Party, insists that this is part of ensuring the rights of trans people. The issue has been divisive among Democrats.

This is a complex issue. On the one hand, boys are boys, and girls are girls. That's the basic fact behind male and female sports, other than some intramural school sports that have boys and girls on the same team. Because boys are biologically stronger and faster than girls, separate leagues have been developed for both. This has nothing to do with gender identity; it is just a reflection of biological fact.

Keep ReadingShow less
Muslim woman in headscarf and hijab prays with her hands up in air while holding prayer beads in mosque.Religion praying concept

What the fight over The Meadow, formerly EPIC City, reveals about pluralism, Pew data on Muslim Americans, and the duties of both sides.

magical_light/Getty Images

Freedom Without Friction: Navigating Identity and Public Life in Pluralistic America

America runs on a deal nobody signed but everyone is expected to honor. Host communities open their schools, their courts, and their markets. Newcomers, in turn, fold into the civic mainstream instead of asking their new country to rearrange itself around them. It isn’t written into any statute, yet it has been the quiet engine behind two and a half centuries of messy, mostly successful assimilation.

That deal is being argued out right now on a stretch of prairie forty minutes northeast of Dallas.

Keep ReadingShow less
​Attendees monitor results during an election night event.

Attendees monitor results during an election night event for Minnesota Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan, who won the Minnesota Democratic Senate primary on Aug. 11, 2026.

Ellen Schmidt/AP

Everyone Wants To Win Working-Class Voters. But Have They Realized Many Are Women?

Congressional candidate JoAnna Mendoza can quickly rattle off prices from the grocery store in the small town of Eloy, Arizona, where she grew up. A couple of months ago, a pound of ground beef was going for about $13, a tomato was $1.50 and “a freaking cucumber was like $3.”

She knows because she’s a single mom to a 10-year-old, and she’s struggled with the same things most working women are facing: finding a steady job, a good pediatrician and childcare that isn’t going to break the bank. Mendoza’s parents were farmworkers, and she spent 20 years in the military because there were few economic opportunities for her back home. Now she’s running for a seat in the U.S. House to represent Arizona’s 6th congressional district.

Keep ReadingShow less