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DHS Funding During the Shutdown
May 06, 2026
When Congress failed to approve funding for the Department of Homeland Security for the remainder of this fiscal year in February, almost all of its employees began to work without pay. That situation changed, however, on April 3, when President Donald Trump issued a memorandum ordering the DHS secretary and director of the Office of Management and Budget to “use funds that have a reasonable and logical nexus to the functions of DHS” to pay its employees and issue back pay.
Trump shifted money to avoid the political embarrassment that would be caused by the collapse of airport security screening through the actions of disgruntled agents and the disruption to air travel that would ensue. But it’s legally dubious.
How DHS is paying employees
The money the White House is tapping into to pay people like Transportation Safety Administration airport screeners and Coast Guard members was approved by Congress, but not through regular appropriations. DHS is using a pot of $10 billion dollars set aside in last year’s massive budget reconciliation bill – the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) – to cover payroll for more than 100,000 employees, the same bill that reserved $75 billion in multi-year operating funds for Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Accessing that money to pay DHS employees, however, is legally dubious. The funds are made available in Section 90007 of the OBBBA until September 2029, but specifically for supporting DHS’s work “to safeguard the borders of the United States.” TSA agents working security lines in U.S. airports for domestic flights are not safeguarding the border, for example. Similarly for FEMA and the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), parts of DHS substantially focused on domestic security.
The Antideficiency Act
Government watchdog groups and other appropriations experts argue that tapping into that $10 billion runs afoul of the Antideficiency Act (ADA), which prohibits federal employees from moving funds from a purpose given in law to a purpose not given for the money in law. The law gives teeth to Congress’s “power of the purse” under the Constitution. Former Senate Budget Committee and Office of Management and Budget staffer Bobby Kogan thought using this section of the law for other purposes was a clear ADA violation.
The Trump Administration made a similar violation during the government shutdown last October by using research and development funds for military personnel pay.
The trouble with the ADA is that it relies on agency heads to report violations to the President and the Comptroller General at the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of Congress currently controlled by the Republican majorities of the House and Senate. In this case, the president directed the violation and Republicans in Congress do not want GAO to challenge it. Although violating the Antideficiency Act carries with it criminal penalties, no one has ever been prosecuted under it. Unlike the current situation, most violations have been by mistake.
Legal or not, the OBBA funds will run dry at the end of this week based on the rate at which DHS is spending it down.
Ending the DHS partial-shutdown
Congress is moving forward to end the DHS funding lapse. The Senate began the process of budget reconciliation on funding for DHS for the remainder of the fiscal year and beyond this week. Because it allows for expedited consideration of spending and revenue bills, reconciliation will allow the Senate to overcome the 60-vote threshold holding back this funding in the regular appropriations process, which Democrats have leveraged for more than two months over their concerns about immigration enforcement agencies within DHS.
As the name implies, budget reconciliation requires the House and Senate to agree on which programs will be funded and at what level. That hasn’t happened yet, as some House Republicans want to fund immigration enforcement at a higher level than the Senate and include other items like funding for the Iran war.
The power of the purse
Nevertheless, the unchecked ability of the executive branch to use money appropriated by Congress for other purposes violates the bedrock principle of the separation of the power of the purse from the power of the sword, which dates back to the English Civil War and Glorious Revolution of the 17th century. The Constitution grants Congress the power to determine how federal funds will be spent as a check on the presidency. What we’re experiencing now is a Congress and Executive Branch that does not care to check the President to the harm of the government’s democratic structure.
Using the reconciliation process still undermines congressional power in this case. The framework the Senate approved would extend funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and U.S. Customs and Border Protection for more than three years. Regular appropriations bills generally apply only to one fiscal year. They also carry with them language requiring agencies perform certain oversight-related duties or prohibitions on using funds for specific purposes. ICE and CBP will get a blank check through the next Congress, which, if Democrats retake the majorities, will have to live with it.
DHS Funding During the Shutdown was originally published by GovTrack and is republished with permission.
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Living Underground: Tel Aviv in the Shadow of a Widening War
May 05, 2026
Amid the political and military standoff among the United States, Israel, and Iran, it is civilians — the people with no say in these decisions — who bear the fear, disruption, and uncertainty of every strike and escalation. This week, The Fulcrum’s executive editor, Hugo Balta, reports from Israel with a single aim: to humanize the war by focusing not on the spectacle of Operation Epic Fury, but on the ordinary lives being reshaped by it.
TEL AVIV — The Middle East stands on edge as tensions between Iran, Israel, and the United States escalated sharply, fueling fears that a localized confrontation could widen into a regional war.The crisis intensified around the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran launched missiles and drones at local targets, and the United States responded with military force while warning Tehran against further escalation. President Donald Trump vowed the U.S. would “respond decisively” if Iran struck American forces or disrupted maritime traffic, even as Iranian attacks targeted ships and critical infrastructure. U.S. officials reported intercepting multiple missiles and drones and destroying several small Iranian vessels attempting to interfere with commercial shipping — a series of clashes that underscored how quickly the situation could spiral into a broader conflict.
Against this backdrop of rising international alarm, Israel braces for the possibility of a prolonged war. Israeli officials said the country remained on “high alert,” reinforcing air defenses and activating emergency protocols as military leaders warned that additional missile barrages from Iran or its proxies were likely. Reporting from the Jerusalem Post describes a nation preparing for the worst — a conflict that could unfold on multiple fronts and stretch Israel’s emergency systems to their limits.
Israel’s multi‑layered missile defense network is considered one of the most advanced in the world, routinely achieving interception rates above 90% against short‑range rockets. Its tiered system — Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and the Arrow family — is designed to counter everything from low‑altitude projectiles to long‑range ballistic missiles. Even so, defense officials acknowledge that no system is impenetrable; large‑scale saturation attacks can overwhelm the batteries, allowing some missiles to slip through.
A building in Tel Aviv lies in ruins, reduced to rubble after a series of missile strikes. Hugo Balta
When Iranian missiles began raining toward Israel in late February, Tel Aviv emptied almost instantly. Streets that normally thrum with traffic, bicycles, and beachgoers fell silent as residents rushed into the only places that could guarantee a measure of safety: the city’s underground shelters. It was a routine Israelis were forced to repeat for the second time in less than a year, echoing the 12‑day war the previous June.
Life inside the bunkers settled into a tense but familiar rhythm. Many arrived with emergency bags already packed, a sign of how deeply preparedness has become woven into daily life. Families clustered together, parents soothed restless children, and small groups prayed or quietly exchanged updates, all while trying to stay calm as the distant thud of interceptions echoed overhead. Outside, the city’s normally vibrant streets were nearly deserted, replaced by the wail of sirens and the sense of a city collectively holding its breath underground.
I toured many of the bomb sites across Tel Aviv to see the destruction left behind by the missile attacks. What I found were monuments of violence — jagged concrete, twisted metal, and the rubble of bombed‑out buildings standing in stark contrast to the everyday life continuing around them. People walked dogs and chatted on sidewalks as if the wreckage were simply part of the urban landscape. The impression was unmistakable: Tel Aviv residents have become so accustomed to living under the strain of conflict that the physical scars of war have faded into the background, almost invisible.
Bomb shelters in Tel Aviv sit ready beneath the city, reinforced spaces built to shield residents during missile attacks.




The Exhausting Psychological Toll of Life in the Bunkers
I also visited both public and private bomb shelters. A resident told me bluntly that there simply aren’t enough shelters in the city — or the country — to adequately protect everyone. "There's a third of the population that has no shelter or or cannot get to a shelter, said Maya Siminovich, Tel Aviv resident. "It's something that is not addressed and people complain". The shelters I saw were functional but far from comfortable: bare concrete rooms with the basics needed to survive, including full bathrooms, but little else. They were cold, utilitarian spaces, built for protection rather than comfort. "Here, obviously, we cannot fit thousands of people. It can fit maybe 200 standing, more or less standing, said Siminovich. "If you have to be a long time here, children sleep, adults, elderly, they come with chairs or with mattresses, so you have less space for all the people."
The constant threat of missile attacks and the regular need to seek refuge in bunkers have created a significant psychological burden on the population. Siminovich notes that the experience is particularly damaging for children, stating, "It's traumatic." This trauma becomes a permanent part of their routine; even during periods of relative calm, Siminovich said children will instinctively ask "where's the shelter" when going out for something as simple as ice cream.
This environment of persistent danger leads to a state of chronic high stress that manifests in physical and emotional exhaustion. Reflecting on periods of intense conflict, Siminovich observed that "people were reporting in general terms that they were very tired. Everybody was tired and I think that's a symptom of being in high stress for so long." She also highlighted a form of hypervigilance where everyday sounds trigger a survival response: "I hear a bang any bang now and I don't think I'm scared, but my heart jumps and I stop breathing. Or a motorcycle that has this sound like a siren."
While the country may project an image of resilience, Siminovich suggests that the true mental health impact is deep and likely to be long-lasting. She says: that "the toll I think we're only we will see it in the years to come." Beyond the psychological effects, the immediate physical danger of the stress is also noted, as people have suffered "heart attack[s]" or "accidents" while frantically "running for the shelter."
People try to make these spaces feel familiar. Posters appeared on the walls, toys were set aside for children, and mattresses were arranged to soften the hard floors — small gestures that showed how residents worked to carve out a sense of normalcy in places built for crisis.
Across the region, Iranians were enduring their own harrowing “double‑threat” reality, where the danger of airstrikes collided with an intensifying internal security crackdown. Daily life in major cities had become almost invisible, with people staying indoors to avoid both bombardment and the Basij militia patrolling the empty streets. Families navigated frequent sirens, internet blackouts, and severe shortages of basic goods, all while trying to protect their loved ones under extraordinary strain. Caught between the physical threat of falling bombs and the heavy‑handed repression of a regime tightening its grip amid the chaos, many Iranians described a deep sense of fear, exhaustion, and abandonment by the outside world.
Hugo Balta (l) speaks with Meir Javedanfar (r) thefulcrum.us
At a February bombing site in Tel Aviv, I spoke with Meir Javedanfar—born in Iran and now one of Israel’s leading Middle East commentators. He left Iran in 1987, and his life on both sides of the divide gives him a rare vantage point on this conflict.
In recent weeks, Donald Trump has publicly called for regime change in Iran, urging the Iranian people to “take over” their government following U.S. military strikes. Reporting at the time noted that while the administration initially emphasized removing the regime, some officials later clarified that they were not seeking a “regime change war,” framing their focus instead on preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon.
Javedanfar said this shift in messaging is closely watched inside Iran, where many people view such statements with concern. “People thought President Trump was going to help them defeat the (Mojtaba Khamenei) regime, he said. “Many people in Iran are going to feel disillusioned.”
Javedanfar also told me he worries that Trump’s hardline stance toward Iran reverberates most sharply among civilians — in Iran, in Israel, and throughout the wider Middle East.
The scale of the bombardment is staggering. By early March, Iran had launched over 500 ballistic and cruise missiles and more than 2,000 drones since the start of the war, sending millions of Israelis repeatedly underground.
As Tel Aviv watches the latest confrontation in the Strait of Hormuz, these underground worlds remain a stark reminder of the city’s vulnerability — and its capacity to adapt. The war forced Israelis to live beneath their own city, but it also showed how communities hold together when the world above becomes unrecognizable.
The scars of the attacks are still visible. So is the resilience.
- YouTube youtu.be
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of The Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network.
Coverage of this report was made possible in part with support from Fuente Latina.
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Female service members face higher rates of sexual assault, limited reproductive healthcare, and policy barriers shaped by the Hyde Amendment and the Dobbs decision. This piece examines how military and VA policies are failing women in uniform and after service, widening inequality and restricting access to critical care.
All Women Left Behind
May 05, 2026
Our sisters in arms are facing a life cycle of abandonment. Female service members have a separation rate 28% higher than men, largely attributed to sexual assault, family planning, and childcare—inherently sexist issues that threaten to weaken our force. When women are more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by the enemy, with decades of unsuccessful efforts to reduce rape in the ranks, the military is lucky women volunteer to serve at all. But for those who do take the oath, the betrayal only deepens. In states with abortion bans, the uniform offers no protection against healthcare deserts created by Dobbs. Instead of expanding care, the Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs have retreated, leaving these women with less access to care than they would have in a federal prison. Their president might be a blue falcon, but We the People are going to have their backs.
Just as the military sees more rapes than the civilian population, it also sees more unplanned pregnancies. Maternal death rates are higher in America than in other developed nations, but they are higher still in states with abortion restrictions. In fact, for women of reproductive age who live there, death rates are higher, independent of pregnancy. Following Dobbs, 40% of female service members saw increased risks to their health and careers, simply by being stationed at one of the 100 military installations housed in one of those states, while Pentagon officials admitted: “there is not much they can do [for them].”
The DOD’s efforts to defend against the damage of Dobbs have been feeble at best. Their original strategy involved sending women to other states to receive essential healthcare now unavailable locally. Though then Defense Secretary Austin asked commanders not to be discriminatory or retaliatory about reproductive healthcare decisions, women reasonably feared professional consequences, as “some leaders [viewed] the necessary time off…as an unwanted distraction.” For junior enlisted service members, a legal abortion could also cost half a month’s pay. Nevertheless, as soon as Secretary Hegseth took over, the Pentagon rescinded all these policies. Nothing has replaced them. As veteran and Governor Mikie Sherill put it, “servicewomen…shouldn’t have to risk their lives while stationed in a state with severe abortion bans like Texas or Florida. When they said, "no man left behind,” did they mean to exclude women?
Current federal law—specifically the Hyde Amendment—prevents the military from publicly funding abortion services or performing abortions even if the patient pays out-of-pocket, with limited exceptions. Elective abortion is one of the safest medical procedures available, about 14 times safer than childbirth, yet only 91 have been performed in U.S. military hospitals since 2016, while over 860,000 were performed nationally in 2017 alone. Unfortunately, there are gaps in women’s healthcare access that the military should reasonably be able—but is not allowed—to close.
The betrayal does not end at the moment of discharge either. This January, the VA effectively closed its doors on women seeking reproductive autonomy, ending nearly all abortion services and counseling for veterans—even in states that protect abortion rights. Agency officials said they were simply complying with a Department of Justice (DOJ) opinion that reversed a Biden-era policy that had expanded abortion access. Now, even most counseling for veterans regarding abortions has ended. Women are the fastest-growing segment of the veteran population. By abdicating its responsibility to the 462,000 women of reproductive age who rely on VA healthcare, the agency has abandoned its obligation to take care of veterans.
In March, Democrats narrowly lost a pivotal effort to overturn the VA’s restrictive policy. Senator Patty Murray, the first woman to ever serve on the Senate Veterans’ Affairs Committee, said after: “Republicans sent a clear message that they don’t care if your health is in danger, if you’re a veteran, or if you’ve been raped—they want abortion outlawed everywhere, in every circumstance, for everyone.” This abandonment forces our veterans to navigate “confusing and often dangerous barriers like shifting laws, inconsistent information, and growing legal risk.” For survivors of military sexual trauma, this policy could even force them to carry pregnancies resulting from the very crimes the military failed to prevent while they were in uniform. The burden shouldn’t be theirs to carry alone.
The need for intervention is urgent and growing. The Brigid Alliance, an organization that helps women get the abortion care they need, reported that 8% of their clients last year were U.S. veterans, military members, or their families; the Vet Voice Foundation (VVF) has also seen an uptick in requests. Now, the Brigid Alliance and VVF have partnered up to place high-visibility billboards outside major VA clinics in states like Georgia, New Mexico, and Virginia with resources for women seeking abortions or other reproductive healthcare. These billboards offer logistical information for travel arrangements, lodging, and funding for procedures, with a simple, powerful message: “We’ve got your six.” Together, they offer a beacon of hope for women. We must follow their example.
Moving forward, the DOD should build bases only in states where reproductive healthcare is codified, close bases in states restricting abortion access, and/or ensure women will no longer be stationed there. If this seems dramatic, expensive, or unnecessary, then it may be time to consider the obvious, sensible alternative: end the Hyde Amendment. Then military healthcare providers could actually provide necessary healthcare at any base in the country, which would be a stark and welcome contrast to its lack of progress in preventing sexual assault.
Our servicewomen may be sent to an illegal war of indefinite length with Iran. The least this government can do for those willing to put their lives on the line is to provide them with the full spectrum of healthcare. A pregnant veteran should be able to go to her local VA to get counseling and care; she should not have to navigate a confusing system and potentially risk jail time for taking a medication abortion pill. These patriots deserve support, respect, and care. Let’s get their six.
Julie Roland was a Naval Officer for ten years, deploying to both the South China Sea and the Persian Gulf as a helicopter pilot before separating in June 2025 as a Lieutenant Commander. She has a law degree from the University of San Diego, a Master of Laws from Columbia University, and is a member of the Truman National Security Project.
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As civic knowledge declines and “civic deserts” grow, a renewed focus on “civic parenting” is needed to prepare the next generation for democracy.
Getty Images, Letizia Le Fur
At 250, America Needs Civic Parenting, Not Just Civics Classes
May 05, 2026
From the founding, Americans understood that a republic depends on the character and judgment of its citizens. In the years after the Revolution, that insight took shape in what later came to be called “republican motherhood,” the belief that the success of the new nation required raising children with the virtue, knowledge, and discipline necessary for citizenship. The concept reflected the limits of its time, assigning that responsibility narrowly to mothers. But it also captured a deeper truth. Constitutions do not sustain themselves. Self-government endures only when each generation is prepared to understand, value, and uphold its principles.
For much of our history, preparing young people for citizenship was a shared responsibility. Families, schools, and civic institutions reinforced one another, creating a culture where civic learning was woven into daily life.
Today, that balance has broken down.
We have steadily placed more responsibility on schools to prepare young people for citizenship, even as we have reduced the space devoted to civic learning within them. At the same time, the broader ecosystem that once supported this work has weakened. In some communities, these institutions have disappeared altogether, creating what researchers describe as “civic deserts.” In others, they still exist but are no longer central to daily life. Participation in community organizations, religious institutions, and even cultural spaces like museums and historical sites has declined, leaving fewer shared spaces where people regularly encounter one another, engage across differences, and connect to our civic story.
Research from the Brookings Institution estimates that 60 percent of rural youth and 30 percent of urban and suburban young people now live in areas lacking these traditional civic institutions. Civic learning has steadily diminished in schools, even as expectations for what schools should deliver in preparing citizens have grown. Fewer than one-quarter of eighth graders perform at or above proficiency in civics, and many adults cannot name all three branches of government.
We are asking schools to do more, with less, while the institutions that once reinforced that learning have grown weaker or more distant from everyday life. It is an imbalance we can no longer ignore.
The responsibility once described as republican motherhood now belongs to all of us. Parents, caregivers, and families of every kind share in preparing the next generation for life in a constitutional democracy. This is the work of civic parenting.
Civic parenting is not a formal program. It lives in the ordinary rhythms of daily life. It is the intentional practice of welcoming children into the American story and helping them develop the habits that self-government requires.
When a parent reads a book about the American Revolution with a child, that is civic formation. When a family visits a museum or attends a historical program together, that is civic formation. When a parent asks a child to take responsibility at home, that is civic formation. When a parent encourages a child to explain their thinking or works through disagreement with patience rather than dismissal, that too is civic formation.
These moments may seem small, but they are where the habits of citizenship begin. Listening. Reasoning. Exercising restraint. Engaging across difference. These are not learned in a single civics class. They are developed over time, in families, schools, and communities.
If we want a citizenry capable of self-government, we must rebalance the system.
That means continuing to support teachers and schools, while also recognizing that they cannot carry this responsibility alone. It means rebuilding the connections between classrooms, homes, and communities. It means creating accessible entry points that spark curiosity and invite participation. And it means meeting families where they are, with tools and experiences that make civic learning part of everyday life.
Institutions have a role to play here, not as replacements for families, but as partners. At the National Constitution Center, we are working to support this effort by creating pathways that begin with moments of curiosity and lead to deeper constitutional learning, whether in classrooms, online, or around kitchen tables.
The nation’s 250th anniversary this year is not simply a moment to look back. It is an invitation to decide what we will carry forward. It marks the beginning of a civic decade leading to the Constitution’s 250th anniversary in 2037, a period that calls for reflection, renewal, and recommitment.
It should be the decade we correct this imbalance. A decade that makes civic parenting a cultural expectation, not an afterthought. A decade that restores a founding understanding that families, schools, and civic institutions must work together to prepare each new generation for self-government.
This work is not beyond reach. It requires intention. And it can be meaningful and even joyful. When families are supported in it, the impact is profound. It strengthens the nation by preparing citizens capable of self-government. It helps young people develop judgment, curiosity, and civic confidence. And it deepens connections within families themselves.
The Constitution promises the blessings of liberty to “ourselves and our posterity.” That promise depends on what we choose to pass on.
The civic decade calls us to meet that responsibility together and to make civic parenting not the exception, but the expectation.
Julie Silverbrook is chief content and learning officer at the National Constitution Center and host of the new podcast Civic Parenting.
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