In a time of great divide in our country, it is more important than ever to establish a sense of unity.
On "Moving America Forward," retired Gen. Wesley Clark, who founded Renew America Together, and Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan discuss how they believe we can bring our country together.
LEP.gov, an online library of multilingual materials, used to be a resource for agencies and individuals alike but was suspended in July after Trump’s executive order.
WASHINGTON - On March 1, President Donald Trump issued an executive order declaring English as the United States’ official language. Since then, some federal agencies, like the Department of Justice and the Department of Housing & Urban Development, have removed multilingual resources from their websites; others have not. The executive order does not require their removal.
Language access, or the provision of non-English translation services or materials, assists over 25 million individuals in the United States with limited English proficiency (LEP). Experts say reducing language access will hurt government efficiency.
“It will make government programs less effective because they'll be unable to reach many individuals that they might reach otherwise,” Jacob Hofstetter, a policy analyst from the Migration Policy Institute, said.
Trump’s executive order repeals a Clinton executive order that required federal agencies to provide language access for public-facing programs.
Since Trump’s order, the DOJ has taken down almost all of its multilingual resources. HUD took down much of its multilingual materials, eliminated non-English translation services, and issued an “English only policy.” Additionally, lep.gov, a centralized online library of multilingual resources, was suspended in July. The website now reads that the “materials will be replaced when new guidance is issued.”
The website, launched in 2002 by the DOJ, included links to federal agencies’ guidance on Limited English Proficiency. Hofstetter said this removal could have a rippling effect across the federal government.
“[It] was used as a model for a lot of other agencies' guidance,” Hofstetter said. “It has also been a key source of technical assistance and information for a wide range of entities that receive federal funding, that are seeking to provide language access. Though it was always guidance, the rescinding of it does also represent a pretty serious consequence for the field.”
Hofstetter said Clinton’s original executive order “filled some gaps” in previous legislation, like Title VI and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, that required language access only for federally funded programs, but not federal agencies.
Trump’s guidance comes in the form of an executive order, and can’t override current law. Federally funded programs are still required to provide language access in accordance with previous laws.
Mara Youdelman, managing director of the National Health Law Program, said Trump’s executive order is confusing for some federally funded programs about their language responsibilities.
“It certainly seems to imply, ‘Well, okay, we don't have to provide services,’” Youdelman said. “But executive orders don't exist in a vacuum, and they have to be understood and read in conjunction with other requirements.”
She said this confusion is intentionally “sown by this administration” to prevent LEP individuals from getting help.
“There's also really serious public safety and public health implications that come along with language access as well,” Hofstetter said. “You can imagine if you didn't issue emergency alerts in languages other than English, folks might be exposed to dangers from natural disasters or other events solely due to their limited proficiency in English.”
A memo from Attorney General Pam Bondi says the DOJ plans to issue new language access guidance early next year.
“The Department will issue new guidance, for public comment, that presents clear, practical guidelines that help agencies prioritize English while explaining precisely when and how multilingual assistance remains necessary to fulfill their respective agencies' mission and efficiently provide Government services,” Bondi said.
Hofstetter warned that this could be just the start of limiting language.
Isabella Jacob covers immigration and demographics for Medill on the Hill. The Michigan native is a sophomore at Northwestern University studying journalism and entrepreneurship.
The 50: Wyoming
The 50 is a four-year multimedia initiative led by The Fulcrum, traveling to communities in every state to uncover what motivated Americans to vote in the 2024 presidential election. Through in-depth storytelling, the project examines how the Donald Trump administration is responding to those hopes and concerns—and highlights civic-focused organizations that inform, educate, and empower the public to take action.
Cheyenne, Wyoming—proudly serving as the state capital—is both a geographic and symbolic gateway to the American frontier, where rugged heritage meets enduring civic pride.
Founded in 1867 amid the westward expansion of the Union Pacific Railroad, the city earned its nickname—“Magic City of the Plains”—for its rapid rise as a center of cattle, commerce, and rail. Its legacy as a crossroads of movement and identity continues to shape its civic character today.
In the 2024 presidential election, Cheyenne—anchored in Laramie County—voted decisively Republican. Reflecting Wyoming’s distinction as the most GOP-leaning state in the nation, Donald Trump secured a resounding statewide victory with over 71% of the vote—the highest percentage ever received by a presidential nominee in Wyoming’s history.
In the windswept capital, two seemingly disparate organizations—the Wyoming Stock Growers Association (WSGA) and the Wyoming Independent Citizens Coalition (WICC)—are redefining what civic engagement looks like in the American West. Though their missions differ in scope and style, both groups are deeply rooted in Wyoming’s democratic fabric, championing participation, advocacy, and community resilience.
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Founded in 1872, the Wyoming Stock Growers Association has long been a cornerstone of the state’s political and cultural identity. Formed initially to standardize cattle branding and protect ranching interests, WSGA quickly evolved into a powerful political force. In fact, historians have dubbed it the “de facto territorial government” during Wyoming’s early statehood.
Today, WSGA continues to wield influence—not through backroom deals, but through robust civic participation. The association regularly hosts legislative receptions, such as its annual event during the Wyoming Legislature’s General Session, where ranchers meet directly with lawmakers to discuss land use, water rights, and regulatory policy. These gatherings are more than symbolic; they are forums where rural voices shape state policy.
"Things have changed over time, but we're still, I believe, relatively influential in the state," said Jim Magagna, EVP, Wyoming Stock Growers Association. "At one time, ranching, agriculture was the number one revenue producer in the state of Wyoming. Today we're number three. But, we're the foundation or the building block upon which the others exist. And recreation, tourism are successful because ranching has maintained the wide open spaces."
WSGA also invests in the next generation of civic leaders through scholarships and youth programs, reinforcing a culture of stewardship and democratic responsibility. Their quarterly publication, CowCountry, reaches over 1,200 readers statewide and offers updates on legislation, land conservation, and civic opportunities.
The Wyoming Independent Citizens Coalition is building civic power from the ground up. Founded in 2021, WICC is a Cheyenne-based nonprofit that empowers underserved communities through advocacy, education, and creative expression.
“We don’t just talk change—we create space for it,” reads WICC’s mission statement. That space includes everything from voter registration drives to public murals that celebrate identity and resilience. Their work is especially vital in a state where rural isolation and political polarization can dampen participation.
The state’s small population presents an ongoing challenge to ensuring meaningful representation of marginalized communities. Through initiatives like Capitol Collaboration Day, WICC equips underserved communities with tools for advocacy, education, and civic participation.
"We bring Latinos and Native Americans. We bring them to the capital. They listen to the sessions. We get a couple of legislators to talk to them," explains Carla Gregorio, President of the Wyoming Independent Citizens Coalition. "We want people to start seeing us in the capital. We want those young people to start seeing they can make a difference."
WICC reaches audiences often overlooked by traditional political outreach. Their efforts echo Wyoming’s legacy as the first state to grant women the right to vote—a history WICC proudly invokes in its programming.
While WSGA and WICC may occupy different ends of the civic spectrum—ranchers advocating for land rights and grassroots organizers mobilizing marginalized voices—they share a commitment to local democracy. Both groups understand that civic engagement isn’t confined to the ballot box; it’s cultivated in town halls, on ranches, and in neighborhood parks.
As Wyoming continues to navigate questions of identity, equity, and resilience, these organizations offer a nuanced portrait of civic life—one that transcends partisanship and embraces participation.
Hugo Balta is the executive editor of the Fulcrum. He is also the publisher of the Latino News Network.
As Hurricane Melissa breaks records, scientists warn Earth’s life-support systems are failing—while U.S. leaders censor climate data and delay real action.
As Hurricane Melissa cements itself as the strongest storm ever recorded in the Atlantic basin—fueled by unseasonably warm ocean temperatures 2.5 °F above average—we must grapple with what this means for our future.
In a recent report, scientists found that seven of the nine planetary boundaries essential for sustaining life on Earth are in decline, with ocean acidification newly entering the list of concerns. As we all learned in elementary school, everything requires balance. Yet we are rapidly approaching tipping points that our communities and our lifestyles are ill-prepared to handle.
With major events coming at what feels like once an hour, few of us understandably have the time to truly digest what is happening. As a result, critical information that should be making global headlines slips past unnoticed. In the U.S., this is especially true when it relates to climate, as the Energy Department has reportedly banned the term “climate change” from official communications, and the national parks have reportedly begun to be stripped of any information regarding climate change. It is clear, the government is trying to sanitize the alarming nature of the crisis, no pun intended.
This past September, New York City hosted Climate Week, coinciding with the UN General Assembly. Amid the speeches, panels, and “action now” slogans, thousands gathered in a twofold protest: demanding stronger climate action and denouncing the situation in the Gaza Strip. At first glance, these issues may seem unrelated. But consider this: the war industry is one of the world’s largest polluters, with global militaries responsible for an estimated 5.5% of carbon emissions as of 2022. Now imagine what that figure looks like after two years of relentless bombing and endless military escalation. Human suffering and pollution are intrinsically tied. Meanwhile, at the GA, President Trump again dismissed climate change as a “con job,” while a couple of blocks down the road, executives and influencers talked about “making action cool” or “making it easy.” What we need is not another slogan. What we need is a shift in mentality.
The future will be uncomfortable. The only question is whether that discomfort comes on our terms or whether it is forced upon us. There is no “magic solution” left. We do not have the luxury of twiddling our thumbs. Politicians, billionaires, and stockholders need to redirect their wealth and power toward what matters. We must push them to do so, or we will keep experiencing ever more frequent and devastating climate events. As of August, the U.S. has seen 99 federally declared disasters, surpassing last year’s total of 90, with marginalized communities facing the brunt of the impact. Just last week, a catastrophic typhoon tore through the Kwigilingok community in Alaska, a primarily Yup’ik area, leaving at least one dead and over 1,000 people displaced. As a result of this, $25 million has been delegated to be used for recovery expenses.
This is not abstract. You, as a consumer, must recognize that your current comfort comes at a cost to someone, somewhere, right now, and to you in the future. The clothes you buy will end up in a landfill. The gadget TikTok convinced you to “run, not walk” to purchase will likely remain as waste long after your grandchildren are born. The data centers guzzling water to keep your favorite apps running are contributing to higher energy bills and polluted water supplies.
Our culture of convenience is feeding a crisis that cannot be solved with hashtags or quick fixes. The time for polite optimism is over. The time for discomfort and real change is now.
Midterm elections are coming next year. Read up on who is on the ballot and give your vote to people who understand the scale of the action we need. Remember, they are supposed to work for and represent you, not the lobbyists that fill their pockets. Yes, the current administration is set on erasing (and even worsening) the environmental crisis, but we need to stay alert and make their jobs harder. Organize. Become part of your community. Buy your holiday gifts secondhand. Try a no-buy month. Get uncomfortable, and make them uncomfortable. Because we do not have time to waste.
Natalia Arcos Cano is an Environmental Scientist and Public Voices fellow of The OpEd Project with the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Justice and the Every Page Foundation.
Major redistricting cases in Louisiana and Texas threaten the Voting Rights Act and the representation of Black and Latino voters across the South.
Under court order, Louisiana redrew to create a second majority-Black district—one that finally gave true representation to the community where my family lives. But now, that district—and the entire Voting Rights Act (VRA)—are under attack. Meanwhile, here in Texas, Republican lawmakers rammed through a mid-decade redistricting plan that dramatically reduces Black and Latino voting power in Congress. As a Louisiana-born Texan, it’s disheartening to see that my rights to representation as a Black voter in Texas, and those of my family back home in Louisiana, are at serious risk.
Two major redistricting cases in these neighboring states—Louisiana v. Callais and Texas’s statewide redistricting challenge, LULAC v. Abbott—are testing the strength and future of the VRA. In Louisiana, the Supreme Court is being asked to decide not just whether Louisiana must draw a majority-Black district to comply with Section 2 of the VRA, but whether considering race as one factor to address proven racial discrimination in electoral maps can itself be treated as discriminatory. It’s an argument that contradicts the purpose of the VRA: to ensure all people, regardless of race, have an equal opportunity to elect candidates amid ongoing discrimination and suppression of Black and Latino voters—to protect Black and Brown voters from dilution.
If the Supreme Court adopts Louisiana’s and the Trump administration’s extreme view that any protections for minority voters are unconstitutional, the consequences would be devastating. If the Court sides with those seeking to dismantle Section 2, it would create a dangerous precedent, enabling racial discrimination and rolling back years of civil rights advocacy tied to the VRA.
Additionally, a bad ruling here could result in yet another round of redistricting, on top of the racial gerrymandering Texas just experienced. It would eviscerate Black and Latino representation in Congress and at every level of government. More specifically, this case could jeopardize the seats of nearly 30% of the Congressional Black Caucus and 11% of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.
Earlier this year, in a separate case, a federal judge in Houston ruled that Spring Branch ISD’s system for electing school board trustees violated the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by diluting the Hispanic vote within the district. Rulings such as this emphasize the necessity of the VRA, not just in statewide cases but in ensuring fair local representation.
For both Texans and Louisianans, these decisions aren’t random arguments—they determine how power and resources are distributed among neighborhoods. Fighting for fair maps isn’t just about elections–it’s about having access to disaster recovery funding, equitable healthcare, and policies that accurately reflect our communities.
The thought of redistricting that disproportionately impacts people who look like me is both infuriating and scary, to say the least. Often at tabling events and connecting with community members, I hear, “My voice doesn’t matter, why should I vote?" But, if that were truly the case, there wouldn’t be so many tactics used to control who gets to vote and where that vote can be cast. It’s time we start prioritizing not being silenced.
To get involved in these redistricting efforts, you can: speak out against unfair redistricting and in favor of legislation revitalizing the Voting Rights Act through legislation like the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act or a state-level statute like the Barbara Jordan Voting Rights Act, and spread the word regarding the Louisiana v. Callais case, a decision which is expected by July 2026.
La’Dereka Christian is the Voting Rights Outreach Coordinator at the Texas Civil Rights Project. She is a licensed political Social Worker who is passionate about advocating for historically marginalized communities through voting rights. The Texas Civil Rights Project is a non-partisan nonprofit organization that advocates for the civil rights of all Texans through voting rights, immigrants’ rights, and criminal justice reform throughout the state.
