Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Reframing judicial elections — not “who should we elect,” but “why should we elect them at all?”

Reframing judicial elections — not “who should we elect,” but “why should we elect them at all?”
Getty Images

Alexander Vanderklipp is a Senior Fellow at Election Reformers Network, where he contributes to projects on impartial election administration, independent redistricting, and election dispute resolution. He is the author of the recent policy brief, “ Why do we elect judges? Wisconsin’s highly partisan race begs the question.”

The nation is watching Wisconsin as a state Supreme Court race with major implications for democratic outcomes—at both state and national levels—becomes an all-out spending war on behalf of the liberal and conservative candidates. No one expects the record-breaking spending or heated partisan rhetoric to die down until the race in this crucial swing state is decided.


Yet while coverage of this race makes clear the public distaste for the polarization of an ostensibly nonpartisan position, few articles have been written about the systems in play that have driven up the stakes and rhetoric to a once-unimaginable degree. The framing should not be “which candidate will come out on top” but “why do we elect judges in the first place?”

It may come as a surprise that many states do not elect Supreme Court justices at all, but instead use a process called “merit selection” by a judicial nominating commission to pick impartial judges for the high court. These commissions, when structured properly, represent the viewpoints of a diverse group of stakeholders from across a state who are all equally incentivized to pick candidates with a track record of impartiality. When no one group, person, or party can be in control of the process, members are more motivated to find consensus.

This model has several benefits. Applicants for judgeships can rely on their experience and background, rather than rhetoric, funding, or political connections, to be considered for a judicial position. And court rulings will be more likely to be accepted by all sides and viewed with finality, rather than as one side’s victory the other side will organize to counter and overturn (as we have seen recently with the newly-composed North Carolina Supreme Court reconsidering recent decisions on Voter ID and redistricting).

The merit selection process also avoids many of the pitfalls of judicial elections, such as low-information or low-turnout races, which force judges to appeal to the extremes, and conflicts of interest, which inevitably arise when elected judges take campaign contributions or make decisions on tight election outcomes.

A 2016 study found that elected judges’ “decisions are systematically biased by … campaign finance and re-election influences to help their party’s candidates win office and favor their party’s interests in election disputes.” Research also shows that in nonpartisan judicial races, candidates must take more extreme positions to “signal” their true preferences to voters. Not only that, but interest group funding and dark money have increased sharply over the last two decades, and now dominate judicial campaigns.

So rather than dealing with the myriad problems presented by judicial elections, Wisconsin should switch to a merit selection model to tamp down polarization in such a sharply divided state. Of course, for this to happen, many pieces will have to fall into place.

For starters, both parties will have to recognize the mutually assured destruction of all-out campaign warfare over the institution intended to preserve justice and the rule of law. Even then, a constitutional amendment would have to pass the legislature in two consecutive sessions to make it onto the ballot for voter approval in a referendum election—which would also attract dark money from groups opposed to fairness.

But difficult reforms are still worth pursuing, and not only in Wisconsin. Montana, Michigan, Texas, Illinois, and many other states still elect judges despite evidence that this method does not promote fairness. Momentum for changing this flawed process begins with a reframing of the issue in the press, research, and everyday conversation. Not “who do we elect,” but “why would we elect them when a better model exists?”


Read More

computer keyboard
a black keyboard with a blue button on it

America at 250 Needs a First-Rung Compact

A country asking what it wants to become over its next 250 years should pay close attention to the first opportunity it gives its young adults to become useful, trusted and independent.

The Fulcrum’s Letters to America project has deliberately elevated voices ages 14 to 30 as the generation carrying the American story forward. That civic invitation deserves an economic counterpart: a credible path into the work where young adults gain responsibility, judgment and a stake in institutions.

Keep ReadingShow less
Diverse People At Voting Booth. Vote Here Elections Sign

A political scientist examines how automatic voter registration is quietly turning non-affiliation into America's largest voting bloc.

AndreyPopov/Getty Images

When Neither Party Is the Default: Rethinking Representation As America’s Electorate Changes

For most of my career as a political scientist, representation was the central theme of my teaching and research. Early on, I studied how legislators understood their responsibilities to constituents — whether they saw themselves as delegates carrying out constituent mandates, trustees exercising independent judgment, or politicos combining both. That work asked a question that still matters: What does it mean to represent the public in a changing democracy?

Today I find myself asking a related question: What happens when the electorate changes but the institutions built to represent it do not?

Keep ReadingShow less
“We Will Not Let This Destroy Our Sacred Sites”: Indigenous Leaders Fight Trump Administration’s Border Wall

Lorraine Marquez Eiler, a Hia-C’ed O’odham elder, listens as Tohono O'odham Chairman Verlon Jose speaks during a news conference at the Quitobaquito Springs site on Monday, Aug. 24, 2026.

Stephanie Casanova

“We Will Not Let This Destroy Our Sacred Sites”: Indigenous Leaders Fight Trump Administration’s Border Wall

Standing near the pond at Quitobaquito Springs, Lorraine Marquez Eiler, a Hia-Ced O’odham elder, shared how her ancestors held ceremonies at the sacred site — a desert oasis in a national park that the federal government is set to bulldoze for a new border wall.

She pulled out a photo of her great-great grandparents and her great-grandparents, who would walk about 50 miles through the Sonoran Desert to the springs. The O’odham call the water flow A’al Vaipia. She showed the image of her ancestors to a group that included Indigenous leaders and a U.S. congressional representative — all there on Monday to condemn the border wall construction.

Keep ReadingShow less