William Natbony is an attorney and business executive specializing in investment management, finance, business law and taxation. He is the author of The Lonely Realist, a blog directed at bridging the partisan gap by raising questions and making pointed observations about politics, economics, international relations and markets.
In his speech at the 1936 Democratic National Convention, at the height of the 20th Century’s philosophical and political clash between democracy and its domestic and international fascist and communist alternatives, President Franklin D. Roosevelt went all-in on American democracy. America, he said, stood at a crossroads that marked the turn of “a mysterious cycle in human events,” adding that, “To some generations much is given. Of other generations much is expected. This generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny.” Indeed it did!
In the “mysterious cycle” of the 2020s, today’s generation of Americans also has a rendezvous with destiny. The Great Depression and World War II became the crucible that molded the last Greatest Generation… and it was that generation that was responsible for creating the American-led world order that relegated fascism and communism to the dustbin of history. The US-China rivalry, war in Europe, inflation, declining U.S. influence, etc., are among the challenges the current generation is facing today.
As with all leaders, FDR has both admirers and detractors. His policies reformulated American democracy. They extended – many would say “overextended” – the reach of the federal government. Some historians have argued that FDR’s New Deal policies were necessary steps in preserving America’s democracy, recognizing that any number of politicians, public figures and clergy at the time advocated for a German- or Soviet-style dictatorial, socialist/communist model. Other historians see FDR’s legacy as marking the beginning of a populist slide from capitalism to socialism, from individual freedom to Statism. Both perspectives are correct.
The 1930s marked the beginning of “a mysterious cycle” that led America to adopt more intrusive government policies that provided a safety net from Great Depression privations, though at a cost. The New Deal nevertheless was a visibly successful alternative to Hitler’s National Socialism and Stalin’s Soviet Communism, at the same time facilitating America’s ability to respond to the economic, military and political challenges that foreseeably awaited German and Japanese military adventurism. The New Deal began the slide into Statist policy-making that marked a departure from 150 years of virtually unfettered capitalism. However, coming as it did at the turn of a major economic and political cycle, history properly views it as a necessary set of measures that was successful in revitalizing democracy and delivering economic relief.
President Biden believes that the 2020s presage another turn in the “mysterious cycle.” Unfortunately, President Biden is not FDR…, nor does he have FDR‘s more than 60 percent electoral support. His public statements nevertheless reflect the view that American democracy is as much at risk at home and abroad today as it was in the 1930s, and that history will record the 2020s as the turn in yet another major economic, military and political cycle. Support for that belief is found among any number of commentators, including in the “Principled Perspectives” series authored by Ray Dalio, perhaps today’s foremost purveyor of cycle theory. His research describes historical turns as occurring at 75-100 year intervals.
Moreover, the similarities between the 2020s and the 1930s are striking, both politically and economically. The 1930s witnessed the clash of democracy and fascism/communism at both the international and domestic levels, while the 2020s feature a conflict between democracy and autocracy at the international level and political ideology and culture warfare at the domestic level. There are ~30 international champions of autocracy today that rule over 25 percent of the world’s population. Autocratic governments have seen their greatest impact in China, Russia, Cuba, Iran, Venezuela, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Hungary and, most recently, in Turkey’s re-election of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Domestically, the conflict is between two extremist forms of populism, each of which advocates statist policies and neither of which articulates a traditional conservative/liberal, Republican/Democrat platform. The domestic schism – and its similarities to the 1930s – is neatly-framed in the policies articulated by Governor Ron DeSantis of Florida.
The foundational linchpin of Governor DeSantis’ platform is the populist premise that the far left has kidnapped America’s government by undemocratically gaining control over the institutions that educate Americans. Governor DeSantis traces America’s problems to a flawed progressive education system that has corrupted – and continues to corrupt – American minds, curtailing freedoms by indoctrinating public school and university students with far-left curricula and books that are based on the diversity, equity and inclusion scripts favored by innately progressive corporate policy-makers and their fellow-travelers in the media. The consequence, he asserts, is a Federal government packed with leftists who parrot indoctrinated progressive views. In his memoir, Governor DeSantis writes that, “Because most major institutions in American life have become thoroughly politicized, protecting people from the imposition of leftist ideology requires more than just defeating leftist measures in the legislative arena.” Governor DeSantis believes that it begins with government intervention in every aspect of the education system. His remedy is for America to adopt the same policies he has pursued in Florida – in short, statism.
“Statism” is a political system in which the State has substantial centralized control over social and economic affairs. It dictates curricula, standards of social interaction, books that can and cannot be read, etc. In many instances, statism understandably leads to authoritarianism (as it has in the roughly 30 autocracies that exist today). Even when intended to be benevolent – as former President Trump, President Biden and Governor DeSantis believe their versions of statism to be –, statism nevertheless is inconsistent with democracy, free enterprise, free speech and individual rights. The sad truth is that there’s little difference between left-wing and right-wing populists’ reliance on the State to solve perceived problems. Solutions are never acceptable to all. Effective democracy entails messy compromises. With today’s tribalist divisions, populist rhetoric will continue to drive both the right and the left to confrontation-over-compromise in an ongoing culture war.
The Ukraine War, the sundering of trust between China and America, the nativist, protectionist retreat from mutually-beneficial trade relationships, the weakening of America’s global influence and of the U.S. dollar, America’s massive debt and deficits, the rise of populist autocracies, etc., are all signs of the start of another “mysterious cycle.” Today’s stalemate means that Americans again are on the cusp of experiencing a Rendezvous with Destiny. The hope is that today’s generation proves itself as capable as America’s Greatest Generation.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
____
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.