Goldstone’s latest book is “Not White Enough: The Long, Shameful Road to Japanese American Internment.” Learn more at www.lawrencegoldstone.com.
In his take no prisoners crusade to out-Trump Trump and be the next occupant of the White House, Ron DeSantis has donned a right-wing superhero cape as America’s self-anointed Number One Culture Warrior. Touting Florida as the state in which “woke comes to die,” he has forced through a compliant legislature a series of laws for which the term “conservative” is inadequate.
His legislative record, the cornerstone of his presidential campaign, is undeniably impressive, in quantity at any rate. In addition to the “Don’t Say Gay” law, which first banned classroom discussion of sexual orientation and gender identity through the third grade and was later extended to cover all grades, DeSantis signed a bill prohibiting abortions after six weeks of pregnancy, and another that prevents school staffers or students from being required to refer to people by pronouns that do not correspond to their sex at birth, as well as barring school employees from asking students what pronoun they use. Public colleges can no longer use state or federal funds for diversity, equity, and inclusion programs.
Then there was the “Stop WOKE Act,” which constrains race-based discussions in schools and businesses, and another law that prohibits school curricula from casting whites as historically racist or that they should feel guilty for past actions aimed at racial minorities.
Thanks to DeSantis, Floridians can now carry concealed firearms without a permit, meaning neither a background check nor training is required. Not satisfied with half-measures, the governor favors allowing these same people, even if they are potential mass murderers, to openly and proudly flaunt their weaponry in public. To balance that out perhaps, death sentences will no longer require a unanimous jury.
This is all in addition to his feud with Disney, which had previously been largely thought of as a company founded by a right-wing racist and likely anti-Semite.
There has been so much attention paid to these laws individually that few have taken a step back to examine just what kind of society DeSantis is trying so frenziedly to create, and what parallels to it might exist in American history.
There is one, and it is an eerie match for DeSantis’s policies—the 1950s sitcom. And like DeSantis’s political and historical narrative, it is made up.
Father Knows Best is the perfect example. That series, featuring the lovable, attractive Anderson family, ran for seven seasons, ending the year John F. Kennedy was elected president, and was so popular and so idealized that the Treasury Department commissioned a 30-minute episode to help sell United States savings bonds.
The cast would have found a warm place in Ron DeSantis’s heart—assuming he has one. Avuncular Robert Young—who later brought a similar persona to Marcus Welby, MD—is dad Jim, who always has the right answer and never loses his temper; Jane Wyatt is mom Margaret, who could not be happier spending her days cooking, cleaning, and being a warm, wise, and reassuring presence to the couple’s three children, nicknamed Princess, Bud, and Kitten, who do not work, never get in fights, never fail a course in school, and live, albeit grudgingly, on limited allowances.
Jim works as an insurance agent and the family, which lives on Maple Avenue in Springfield, state unnamed, eats dinners together, goes to church every Sunday, never swears, questions authority, nor seems to have need of any government service. They are always well-dressed and well-groomed, and although sex could not seem further from anyone’s mind, including mom and dad, all are clearly and blissfully heterosexual.
In those years, American families could sit at home, watch Father Knows Best and other shows like it, and feel that all was right with the world…their world.
But it was not. The real Father Knows Best world was as phony as the one DeSantis wants to foist on the people of the United States.
The illusion begins with the cast. Robert Young was an alcoholic who also suffered from depression, and it was often difficult for him to complete a day’s shooting upright. When the show ended, he went into rehab and joined AA. Billy Gray, who played Bud, admitted to having gay sex and smoking marijuana from age 14; “Princess” Elinor Donahue became anorexic; and “Kitten” Lauren Chapin was molested by her father at age sixteen and later became a heroin addict and prostitute.
Each of the cast members seems to have successfully straightened out their lives, but it took a level of hard work and commitment that none of the Andersons needed because all their problems were conveniently solved by script writers.
Even worse was what these slices of cardboard American pie did not show. No one was poor, no one had an unwanted pregnancy, no one was unfairly stopped by the police, no one was denied the right to vote, no one was bullied in school, and no one but no one was a person of color, except perhaps for a cheerful domestic.
While Father Knows Best was reassuring America’s white population, Black Americans were being beaten and lynched in the South, uncloseted gay people were discriminated against in every aspect of life, women were often treated as incapable of holding either a real job or a real thought, and those who were transgender were forced to spend every single day living an excruciating lie.
That is the world to which Ron DeSantis would happily return, one where helpless, vulnerable minorities are sacrificed so that the majority can live in smug security. DeSantis’s phony world is different from the phony world of sitcoms in that the cruelty is not offstage, but rather right out there and even celebrated. Being meaner and more cruel than Donald Trump is no easy task, but DeSantis is giving it his all.
Although sitcoms are very much alive, the Father Knows Best variety is not. America has grown up, at least a little, and sitcoms, such as Modern Family, have evolved along with it.
Too bad Ron DeSantis has not.




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.