Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

MAGA Supreme Court Justices Show Their True Colors by Joining Trump’s Attack on the Federal Judiciary

What They’ve Done Is a Disaster for the Rule of Law

Opinion

Supreme Court
The Supreme Court is a threat to American democracy
Nicolas Economou/NurPhoto via Getty Images

Writing in 1788, Alexander Hamilton famously described the judiciary as “the least dangerous branch” of the federal government. He thought that it would never be in a position to do serious damage to American life because it had neither “the sword nor the purse…but merely judgment.”

President Trump and his allies seem to disagree with Hamilton’s characterization of the courts. They see them as a dangerous impediment to his effort to make America great again.


Who can forget his Memorial Day message in which the president railed against judges who did not immediately go along with his immigration policies. He called them “USA HATING JUDGES WHO SUFFER FROM AN IDEOLOGY THAT IS SICK.”

The president has regularly suggested that judges are lawless, partisan actors, determined to undermine him. His right-hand man, Stephen Miller, has joined the chorus bemoaning what he called a “judicial coup.” He added, “We are living under a judicial tyranny.”

And people all over the country are getting the message. One result is diminished confidence in the courts; another is an escalation of threats directed at judges who dare to try to hold the administration accountable.

All that would be bad enough. However, when Justices on the United States Supreme Court join the president in attacking the courts, it only adds to the brewing crisis of judicial legitimacy and the peril that other judges face.

That is exactly what happened on August 25, when the Court stayed the decision of a federal judge who had ruled that the administration could not unilaterally terminate research grants made by the National Institutes of Health. Justice Neil Gorsuch reacted not just by questioning the correctness of the lower court’s interpretation of the law and relevant judicial precedents but by taking a broad-brushed, Trump-like swipe at lower court judges.

He began his opinion, which his MAGA sympathetic colleague Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined, this way: “Lower court judges may sometimes disagree with this court's decisions, but they are never free to defy them.” He went on to detail what he claimed were several instances of such defiance.

Gorsuch ended by doubling down on what he saw as the rogue behavior of federal judges. “This is now the third time in a matter of weeks,” he said like a condescending parent scolding a wayward child, “this court has had to intercede in a case squarely controlled by one of its precedents. All these interventions should have been unnecessary, but together they underscore a basic tenet of our judicial system: whatever their own views, judges are duty-bound to respect ‘the hierarchy of the federal court system created by the Constitution and Congress.’”

Odd but predictable that Gorsuch would direct his fire at other judges while saying nothing about an administration that only respects federal judges, at any point in that hierarchy, when they rule in its favor.

That this double standard is now baked into the MAGA legal establishment’s playbook is suggested by the fact that almost a month before Gorsuch, Adrian Vermeule, an academic darling of the right wing, penned a New York Times op-ed entitled, “Someone Is Defying the Supreme Court, But It Isn't Trump.”

In Vermeule’s view, “someone” is plural, namely judges on lower federal courts. While absolving the Trump Administration on charges that it has violated court orders, Vermeule said that the defiance of court orders is ”coming from inside the judicial branch itself, in the form of a lower court mutiny against the Supreme Court.”

“District Court judges, and in some cases even appellate courts, have either defied orders of the court outright or engaged in malicious compliance and evasion of those orders, in transparent bad faith.”

Vermeule continued his indictment by arguing that district court judges can defy the law because they “Have almost no accountability; They are like futile Lords who laid down the law in their local courts. If they are reversed, at least they will have stymied for some time the implementation of presidential policies they find objectionable.”

Then, in a bit of twisted logic, Vermeule noted when the president may ignore such an order based “on the president's independent interpretation of the law, (that it) exceeds the scope of judicial power….” In so doing, “Far from defying the judiciary as such, (the president) would be supporting the authority of the Supreme Court…”

As law professor Michael Dorf noted in April, when thirty-five law professors were asked whether “Trump is a lawless authoritarian,” only Adrian Vermeule said “no.” Here again, he “blamed ‘highly aggressive judicial decisions’ by ‘overreaching district judges’ for any sense that we are in a constitutional crisis.”

Gorsuch did not go as far as Vermeule in inviting the president to defy the orders of federal district judges with which he disagrees. But he didn’t have to.

He laid the predicate.

Along the way, he listed various forms of misbehavior on the part of judges who have ruled against the administration. For example, in the ruling on the termination of NIH grants, Gorsuch said the judge who issued it failed in his duty. That judge cast aside relevant Supreme Court precedent and committed the cardinal sin of invoking “the ‘persuasive authority’ of… ‘dissents’” to reach his desired result.

And Gorsuch warned of “’anarchy’” that, in his view, threatens to engulf the federal judiciary. It is caused by judges who, in their anti-Trump zeal, refuse to follow the law as the Supreme Court interprets it. They must do so even if that interpretation is clearly “misguided.”

It seems that Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Vermeule think America is best served by an imperial Supreme Court, whose opinions are essentially “commands,” allied with an imperial presidency whose current incumbent believes that his word is the law. The imperial Supreme Court views its power in the judicial realm in the same way the president views his power in the executive, as unitary and plenary.

Law professor Stephen Vladeck is right to say that Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Vermeule’s mischaracterization of the lower federal courts is “especially ugly…this particular moment when we're continuing to see heated rhetoric from President Trump and his supporters virtually any time a District Court does anything even slightly adverse to the federal government.” Vladeck warns that their criticisms of the judiciary are further arming a president, who will someday use them against the Supreme Court itself.

More than two centuries after he wrote, Hamilton would not be surprised that what the judiciary offers would grate on the sensibilities of a political leader ambitious for power. But even he could not have foreseen that the attack on the least dangerous branch would come from within that branch itself.

Austin Sarat is the William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College.

Read More

A person putting on an "I Voted" sticker.

The Supreme Court’s review of Louisiana v. Callais could narrow Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and limit challenges to racially discriminatory voting maps.

Getty Images, kali9

Louisiana v. Callais: The Supreme Court’s Next Test for Voting Rights

Background and Legal Landscape

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 is one of the most powerful tools for combatting racial discrimination in voting. It prohibits any voting law, district map, or electoral process that results in a denial of the right to vote based on race. Crucially, Section 2 allows for private citizens and civil rights groups to challenge discriminatory electoral systems, a protection that has ensured fairer representation for communities of color. However, the Supreme Court is now considering whether to narrow Section 2’s reach in a high profile court case, Louisiana v. Callais. The case focuses on whether Louisiana’s congressional map—which only contains one majority Black district despite Black residents making up almost one-third of the population—violates Section 2 by diluting Black voting power. The Court’s decision to hear the case marks the latest chapter in the recent trend of judicial decisions around the scope and applications of the Voting Rights Act.

Keep ReadingShow less
Beyond the Protests: How To Support Immigrant Communities Amidst ICE Raids

A small flower wall, with information and signs, sits on the left side of the specified “free speech zone,” or the grassy area outside the Broadview ICE Detention Center, where law enforcement has allowed protestors to gather. The biggest sign, surrounded by flowers, says “THE PEOPLE UNITED WILL NEVER BE DEFEATED.”

Credit: Britton Struthers-Lugo, Oct. 30, 2025

Beyond the Protests: How To Support Immigrant Communities Amidst ICE Raids

The ongoing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids have created widespread panic and confusion across Chicago. Many of the city’s immigrant communities are hurting, and if you’ve found yourself asking “how can I help?”, you’re far from the only one.

“Every single one [U.S. resident] has constitutional rights regardless of their immigration status. And the community needs to know that. And when we allow those rights to be taken away from some, we risk that they're going to take all those rights from everyone. So we all need to feel compelled and concerned when we see that these rights are being stripped away from, right now, a group of people, because it will be just a matter of time for one of us to be the next target,” said Enrique Espinoza, an immigrant attorney at Chicago Kent College of Law.

Keep ReadingShow less
An abstract grid wall of shipping containers, unevenly arranged with some jutting out, all decorated in the colors and patterns of the USA flag. A prominent percentage sign overlays the grid.

The Supreme Court weighs Trump’s IEEPA tariffs, probing executive authority, rising consumer costs, manufacturing strain, and the future of U.S. trade governance.

Getty Images, J Studios

Tariffs on Trial: The Supreme Court’s Hidden Battle for Balance

On November 5, 2025, the Supreme Court convened what may be one of the most important trade cases of this generation. Justices across the ideological spectrum carefully probed whether a president may deploy sweeping import duties under the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The outcome will resonate well beyond tariffs. It strikes at the heart of how America governs its commerce, regulates its markets, and wields power abroad.

President Trump’s argument rests on a dramatic claim: that persisting trade deficits, surging imports, and what he called a national security crisis tied to opioids and global supply chains justify tariffs of 10% to 50% on nearly all goods from most of the world. The statute invoked was intended for unusual and extraordinary threats—often adversarial regimes, economic warfare, or sanctions—not for broad-based economic measures against friend and foe alike. The justices registered deep doubts.

Keep ReadingShow less
Voting Rights Are Back on Trial...Again

Vote here sign

Caitlin Wilson/AFP via Getty Images

Voting Rights Are Back on Trial...Again

Last month, one of the most consequential cases before the Supreme Court began. Six white Justices, two Black and one Latina took the bench for arguments in Louisiana v. Callais. Addressing a core principle of the Voting Rights Act of 1965: representation. The Court is asked to consider if prohibiting the creation of voting districts that intentionally dilute Black and Brown voting power in turn violates the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th and 15th Amendments.

For some, it may be difficult to believe that we’re revisiting this question in 2025. But in truth, the path to voting has been complex since the founding of this country; especially when you template race over the ballot box. America has grappled with the voting question since the end of the Civil War. Through amendments, Congress dropped the term “property” when describing millions of Black Americans now freed from their plantation; then later clarified that we were not only human beings but also Americans before realizing the right to vote could not be assumed in this country. Still, nearly a century would pass before President Lyndon B Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 ensuring voting was accessible, free and fair.

Keep ReadingShow less