Legislators in 19 states are considering changes to state courts that would diminish the role or independence of the judiciary by giving political players more control over judicial selection, judicial decision-making or judicial administration. The roster of such bills was compiled by the progressive Brennan Center for Justice at New York University Law School, which opposes all such efforts.
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As AI reshapes the labor market, workers must think like entrepreneurs. Explore skills gaps, apprenticeships, and policy reforms shaping the future of work.
Getty Images, Maria Korneeva
We’re All Entrepreneurs Now: Learning, Pivoting, and Thriving the Age of AI
Feb 13, 2026
What do a recent grad, a disenchanted employee, and a parent returning to the workforce all have in common? They’re each trying to determine which skills are in demand and how they can convince employers that they are competent in those fields. This is easier said than done.
Recent grads point to transcripts lined with As to persuade firms that they can add value. Firms, well aware of grade inflation, may scoff.
Disenchanted employees need to spend time training for the jobs of the future, perhaps by working toward a badge or credential. Firms are rightfully skeptical of those, too. After all, there are hundreds of thousands of certificates these days—it’s unclear which are meaningful.
Parents try to convince firms that they remain as skillful as ever by highlighting their earlier work. Here, again, firms may have some questions. A hiring manager may not shake the nagging feeling that extended time off the job may have caused version skills to atrophy.
In a healthy, efficient labor market, it’d be possible for these workers to signal their skills and to find firms demanding such work. The aforementioned barriers all stand in the way of such a market. The introduction of AI makes this labor matching even more difficult. Firms don’t know which skills to seek out because it’s unclear what work will be completed by humans, human-AI teams, or just AI. Workers, too, are at a loss—hoping that the skills they seek to gain align with those demanded by firms over the long run.
In this market failure—when informational asymmetries prevent workers and firms from finding one another in as cheap and timely a manner as possible—it’s tempting to call on the government to step in. The thinking goes that the government can predict which skills will define the future and can set up programs for upskilling and retraining. This logic falls by looking to the advice of many a government officials to lean into computer science. While some firms may demand some individuals with such skills, early returns from the Age of AI suggest demand is dropping.
What’s a student to do? How can someone finally leave their firm and find a better role? How can a mom or dad get back into the office and stay there?
The answer is simple and, perhaps, daunting: we’re all entrepreneurs now. We all must be attentive to market trends, adaptive to meaningful shifts in labor demand, and willing to work in novel and, at times, unpredictable environments. In short, the career ladder may be broken, but it’s been replaced by a career flywheel—studying when necessary, shadowing as a trainee, and working in flexible arrangements.
No one—including AI experts and government economists—can detail the specific set of skills that will result in high-paying work that supports families and sustains the American Dream. Everyone must be willing to take risks—diversifying, deepening, and shifting their skill sets to be as valuable in the labor market as possible.
Politicians ought not try to forecast those skills but rather sustain an entrepreneurial approach to skill development. Three proposals can help channel the necessary entrepreneurial energy without being too prescriptive.
First, emulate South Carolina’s success by encouraging firms to offer more apprenticeships. South Carolina has quietly built one of the most effective apprenticeship ecosystems in the country. Through its registered apprenticeship initiative, the state helps firms offset training costs, coordinate curriculum with community colleges, and design programs that respond to real production needs rather than abstract projections. The result is a pipeline that places people into paid roles while they learn—reducing the risk for workers and giving firms a chance to assess talent in real time.
Second, encourage the creation of skills-based evaluations by high schools and higher education institutions. Workers can better market their services—and firms can hire with more confidence—when skills are legible, portable, and comparable. Today’s degrees obscure more than they reveal. Grade inflation compresses distinctions, transcripts say little about applied competence, and employers are left guessing.
The Department of Education—and state equivalents—can help by issuing guidance that promotes competency-based transcripts, standardized skill taxonomies, and verified portfolios that document what students can actually do. It can also serve as an information clearinghouse, publishing data on which institutions and programs reliably produce particular skills and outcomes.
Third, reform—or abandon—New Deal employment laws with rigid classifications that hinder the ability of workers and firms alike to engage in creative, flexible, and mutually beneficial arrangements. The Fair Labor Standards Act, built for an economy of factory floors and fixed schedules, struggles to accommodate project-based work, part-time experimentation, and hybrid human-AI roles.
Its binary distinctions between employee and contractor, for one, discourage firms from offering flexible pathways and push workers into all-or-nothing choices. Modernizing these rules—by allowing more fractional work, clearer safe harbors, and updated definitions of hours and supervision—would expand opportunity without sacrificing baseline protections.
The future of work will not be handed down in a syllabus or codified in a regulation. It will be discovered—through trial, error, and adaptation—by people willing to build, learn, and pivot. Policy should not pretend to know which skills will win. It should instead clear the runway so more Americans can take off, test their wings, and land somewhere better.
Kevin Frazier is a Senior Fellow at the Abundance Institute, directs the AI Innovation and Law Program at the University of Texas School of Law, and is an Affiliated Research Fellow at the Cato Institute.
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How to Break the ‘Rage Bait’ Cycle and Restore Trust in U.S. Democracy
Feb 13, 2026
Recently, Oxford University Press chose its word of the year for 2025: “rage bait.” For those who don’t know, it’s defined as “online content deliberately designed to elicit anger or outrage by being frustrating, provocative, or offensive.” Rage bait is also the driving force behind one of the most powerful industries in the United States: social media. It has become a debasement of the American media establishment, though a key piece of federal law could help alleviate the issue.
First, the prevalence and scale of rage bait should be established. Though rage bait lacks a precise definition, by combining anecdotally available information about its popularity with social media algorithms that reward such popularity, it can be inferred that there is quite a lot of rage bait out there. Numerous studies, including research from Yale and the University of Chicago, among others, have found that posts that provoke anger and outrage are more likely to be interacted with (i.e., liked, commented on, replied to, etc.) and to remain visible for longer periods, leading social media algorithms to increasingly recommend this content. This creates an environment for the creator that equates rage bait with success; for them, the more outrageous the content, the more likes, shares, and follows it gets, which encourages even more outrageous content. In addition, creators themselves can profit from rage bait if they gain enough of a following. This is how politics is becoming increasingly polarized, especially in teenagers' minds, whose brains are malleable and are exposed to the most rage bait. Social media companies also reap the benefits of uncontrolled online rage; it keeps people on the platforms longer and more often, creating more opportunities for advertisement, which naturally means more cash flowing into the coffers. Once the mainstream media discovered that rage bait created larger profits, they seized the opportunity. Researchers in New Zealand have found that the number of headlines that induce anger, disgust, fear, and sadness has increased in recent years, while joyful or neutral headlines have been steadily decreasing. Teenagers especially have borne the brunt of the negative impacts of social media, with rates of depression and anxiety skyrocketing, according to a study in the Journal of Adolescent Health. The result of all of this is both simple and depressing: Americans generally feel worse about themselves, those around them, and their government.
Recent data has found that Americans’ trust has been crashing. Only around 19% of Americans trust their government, and only 1 in 3 Americans trust each other, according to the Pew Research Center. Especially in politics, trust is vital. It creates a bond between the voter and elected officials that ensures that the voter’s wishes will be carried out. However, it seems that social media, and by extension rage bait, is going a long way in severing this bond. The lack of trust in government and in democracy generally has led to a loss of support for more established, moderate politicians. In their place, rage bait has encouraged more fringe candidates on both sides that tend to cause an uproar across the aisle. This uproar and outrage manifest themselves on social media, and, as discussed before, nothing spreads as fast as outrage. This creates a cycle: ragebait encourages fringe politicians, who create fringe policy, which outrages the other side, magnifying their presence on social media, building momentum for more fringe candidates to be elected, and the cycle continues. All the while, Americans’ trust in each other and in their government crumbles. Yet, by altering a specific piece of federal law, the cycle could be broken.
Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act has quickly become a point of contention in the debate over the balance between freedom of speech and responsible content moderation. Section 230 contains two key provisions, Section 230(c)(1) and Section 230(c)(2). Section 230(c)(1) states that companies cannot be treated as the publisher or the speaker of information on their platforms that is provided by a third party. Section 230(c)(2) states that companies, when acting in good faith, can’t be held liable for restricting objectionable content (violence, harassment, obscene content, etc.). Essentially, companies aren’t liable for information on their platform that they themselves didn’t say, and they can restrict content that is considered harmful, within reason. In the context of curbing rage bait, none of this is objectionable; the real problem is what this legislation is missing. While companies are allowed to take down objectionable content, and are legally protected if they do so, they are not obligated to. When considering that some of the most common and impactful forms of rage bait appear as blatant misinformation or obscene content, if companies choose to take it down, they are protected by the law. However, they choose not to because rage bait has become a profit machine.
Section 230 should be revised to include a provision that if companies are found to be keeping objectionable content on their platforms without making any effort to take it down, they should be legally responsible with heavy fines. Both effort and the amount fined should be judged by how much the company invests in content moderation and how efficiently it takes down harmful content, all relative to the company's economic and operational size and capabilities. Additionally, the definition of objectionable content should be updated to better reflect modern times (Section 230 was written 30 years ago and was initially part of an effort to control obscene and indecent content on the early Internet). While creating this definition will be difficult, it should most likely be created by a responsible third party, such as a panel of experts, composed of nonpartisan health experts and legal scholars, appointed by Congress. Companies would agree to follow the panel’s guidance, and the government would agree to give it legal teeth. Of course, this would draw immediate opposition from social media companies.
One might have the immediate reaction that this is a clear violation of free speech; they might believe it would give the government the right to restrict citizens’ speech. While the line between harmful content and legitimate political discourse is blurry, an updated definition, as discussed above, could clear the air. Regardless, harmful content has crossed the line into “free speech,” and it is now yielding dangerous results. After all, the links between social media (specifically, the harmful content on it) and depression, anxiety, self-harm, and suicidal ideation are well established, especially among teenagers. It is undeniably a life-or-death issue. The second major argument that social media companies will make is that, given the massive volume of content, it would be practically impossible to remove all harmful content. Still, there are huge steps that social media companies would take, if not for the possible harm to their own income. Meta netted over $2.7 billion in September alone, and half of that could hire up to 20,000 content moderators in the US (and many more if the job were outsourced to other countries), which would go a long way toward protecting consumers. At the sacrifice of extra profit, protections could very realistically be implemented.
Harmful online content is constantly evolving; rage bait is just the current iteration. The oncoming wave of generative AI will no doubt increase the severity of the issue, as it becomes harder to distinguish truth from misinformation. It’s not difficult to argue that the ship has sailed on regulation and solutions; the impacts, especially on America’s youth, are devastating. However, it is a weak argument, especially given the solution's clarity. Fixing Section 230 could have massive positive impacts on the future of online content, Americans’ health, and the preservation of a strong, moderate democracy. As a high school student, I am saddened by what I hear from my peers, stories about seeing videos of beheadings in Afghanistan or clips on Reddit of Charlie Kirk’s assassination. I am well aware that forces against this change are enormous, with endless wallets and increasing political power. Regardless, the benefits of reforming Section 230 outweigh the costs of any obstacles. With some key legislative reform, we can provide a brighter future for American youth and the democracy they will inherit.
Asher Nanas is a Senior at New West Charter High School in Los Angeles, California.
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Avoiding Top 2 Primary Lockouts, Promoting Our Vote, Timely Links
Feb 13, 2026
Welcome to the latest edition of The Expand Democracy 3, written this week by Rob Richie with the support of Eveline Dowling and Nivea Krishnan. Every two weeks, we highlight promising pro-democracy ideas and local, national, and global news.
#1. Deep Dive - How California Democrats Could Avoid Top Two Primary Lockouts

The last 5 California governor polls show 2 Republicans ahead. Source: NY Times
Many reformers and thinkers I greatly respect support California’s Top Two system with unified, all-candidate primaries for creating more competition that involves more voters. Others have been deeply skeptical of a system that limits voters to two options when most people vote. But where Top Two is in place, I suspect all would agree it would be best if the November ballot was sure to offer at least one candidate who has the potential support of a majority of voters. That’s not the case today in California and Washington, but Seattle is modeling a solution.
The root of the problem is a voting rule that limits voters to single choice, which reliably works only when voters are limited to two options. We’d never trust ballot measures with single-choice voting where there was one “yes” option pitted against two “no” alternatives. We are quick to call minor parties and independent candidates “spoilers”. Although Top Two’s runoff mechanism is designed to avoid the problem of split votes, it falls short when the majority divides its votes such that none of the candidates it supports advance to the runoff.
This year’s Top Two election for governor of California has so far drawn nine prominent Democrats and two Republicans. The last five public polls all have shown the two Republicans out front even as large majorities of voters prefer one of the Democrats. While analysts like Downballot argue that Democrats will avoid a lockout, I’m more skeptical. It’s hard to force candidates to abandon a plausible chance to win, and the nine Democrats have largely different bases of support without a clear frontrunner.
Far simpler races have experienced majority-party lockouts. In 2016 in Washington state, a state treasurer Top Two race with two Republicans and only three Democrats resulted in a Democratic lockout despite the Democrats winning a majority of primary votes. In 2024, Washington came within 49 votes of Democrats being locked out again in its public lands commissioner race despite its candidates earning 58% of the vote. In 2014, in California’s state controller race, two Republicans together with 45% came within a scant 0.7% of the vote of locking out the three Democrats.
Passed by voters in 2020 and upheld by the legislature and voters ever since, Alaska’s Top Four primary system is a voter-friendly means to prevent general election lockouts of the majority party through advancing four candidates and deciding the November election with ranked choice voting (RCV). Sightline Institute’s Al Vanderklipp detailed the lockout problem and the Alaska solution in a compelling way last October. Even simpler and more inclusive of minor parties would be to do what nearly every city with RCV: hold a single, all-candidate election with RCV.
But some cautious partisans want to see more evidence that RCV works in decisive general elections. For them, there’s an easy fix to the lockout problem that Seattle will pioneer in its Two Two primary next year. Seattle will hold an RCV election in the primary and then advance the top two finishers to the runoff. That brings all the usual positive benefits of RCV to the primary – that is, incentivizing more voter engagement and more substantive campaigns – while always avoiding a lockout of the majority party from the Top Two runoff in November.
Sightline again offers a great analysis of this solution. In November, its executive director Alan Durning detailed the looming problem for Democrats in Washington state, as its two U.S. Senators are both nearing retirement after decades in office, and there is pent-up energy for many Democrats to run. Of course solving the lockout problem isn’t just for Democrats – there are plenty of Republican majority districts in California and Washington where they risk being locked out as well.
Sightline reports that state legislators are preparing legislation to take the Seattle RCV system statewide. Expect California lawmakers to follow.
Note: Last week, House Republicans unveiled their new “Make Elections Great Again” (sic) legislation HB 7300, which is being criticized from across the spectrum for its federal takeover of elections and banning various state innovations. In clear service of coercing voters into a two-party system, it would require single-choice elections in all federal general elections. That would mean no more ranked choice voting in federal elections in Alaska, Maine, and DC, and no chance to consider RCV, approval voting, “STAR” voting, and Condorcet voting in any state. That said, it would not prevent use of RCV in primaries like this proposed use in California.
#2. Spotlight - Think Constitutionally, Act Locally in Service of the Right to Vote

Takoma Park’s right to vote resolution led to it becoming the 1st American city to extend voting rights to 16-year-olds. Source: Vox
When at FairVote, I took great pride in our leadership in lifting up the proposal of a right to vote in the Constitution. It was featured in our ambitious 2003 Claim Democracy conference, and we worked with the Advancement Project and leaders like Jesse Jackson, Jr., Donna Brazile and Jamie Raskin on an amendment bill that one year drew sponsorship of the entire Congressional Black Caucus.. As the right to vote faces new threats, the case for the amendment is all the more compelling, as argued persuasively in law professor Rick Hasen’s important 2024 book A Real Right to Vote: How a Constitutional Amendment Can Safeguard American Democracy.
I was reminded of the importance of working for a right to vote amendment when listening to an interview conducted by my colleague Eveline Dowling for Expand Democracy’s podcast The Democracy Lab. On platforms like Apple Podcasts and Spotify, the Lab deserves a general shoutout, as we’ve had great guests and conversations. Eveline’s conversation with author Jefferson Cowie was no exception. Eveline and Jefferson unpack arguments in his Pulitzer Prize-winning book Freedom’s Dominion, and how calls for “freedom” can mask attacks on human rights and voting rights.
Cowie, in the podcast, returns repeatedly to his belief that Americans should be campaigning for a right to vote in the Constitution. My experience has been that the goal of constitutional change can feel remote to activists in the trenches of current fights to preserve voting rights. But Cowie argues that we must win this basic argument as part of claiming democracy at all levels of government.
As FairVote understandably began to focus on the case for ranked choice voting and proportional representation, other key priorities like the right to vote amendment and the National Popular Vote plan were left to others. But there is one orphaned project that I believe would be exciting for someone to adopt: the Promote Our Vote project that still has an active website, if not an active leader.
The home page details the project’s vision: “It’s time for an intervention: Voters in local elections are not reflective of their communities. Local elections have the lowest voter turnout rates and the highest levels of discrimination. Promote Our Vote gets at the heart of this problem by empowering localities, organizations, and campuses to raise turnout, protect access, and expand suffrage in the spirit of establishing a Constitutional Right to Vote.”
The project called for communities, colleges and organizations to pass a right to vote resolution, explaining: “Resolutions serve as a statement of principle for localities, campuses, organizations and other individuals and communities. A Right to Vote Resolution maintains that voting is a fundamental right in a democracy. It calls for an explicit right to vote in the Constitution and establishes a task force to explore measures that improve voter turnout, protect voter access, and expand suffrage. Resolutions may include support for additional pro-voting policies and practices, but must contain a call for a right to vote in the Constitution and a task force on pro-voting policies and practices.”
My hometown of Takoma Park (MD) passed such a resolution in 2013, and it truly was transformative. In the more elevated place that the resolution inspired, most city councilors drew on their own experience to propose changes that become law. One councilor talked about people saying they couldn’t vote due to a previous felony conviction. Another detailed how hard it was to campaign in large apartment buildings and talk to tenants as much as homeowners. A third talked about how residents getting interested late in the campaign might not be registered to vote. A fourth talked about how city teenagers were often interested in local government, but were too young to vote.
The result was an historical set of actions. Already a pioneer with ranked choice voting and immigrant voting, Takoma Park became the first city in the United States to extend voting rights to 16-year-olds, with data in subsequent elections showing that more 16- and 17-year-olds started voting than all 18-to-29-year-olds combined. Takoma Park extended voting rights also to residents with felony convictions and changed the code to require landlords to offer chances for candidates in all elections to be able to knock doors in apartment buildings. Ultimately, it consolidated its election date with federal and state elections in even years.
Imagine such a Promote Our Vote campaign around the country today: Building support for a right to vote amendment that is more needed than ever, but also generating concrete change in communities, on campuses and within organizations across the country. This orphan is ready for a new parent!
#3. Timely Links
- “Trump Could Interfere With the Midterm Elections. You Can Help Defend Them”: A shared New York Times editorial offers helpful resources and includes: “American elections have never been more reliable or accessible. For every election, thousands of principled election officials painstakingly update voter rolls, mail information to households, train poll workers, oversee voting and transport ballots with a documented chain of custody. Voter fraud is extremely rare, and voter turnout in the past two presidential elections reached higher levels than in any other over the previous century. Yet it would be naïve to assume that the status quo is guaranteed to continue. The sanctity of the 2026 elections is indeed under threat.”
- “Judge blocks additional citizenship provisions in latest setback to Trump’s election executive order”: From the Associated Press – “A federal judge on Friday blocked certain federal agencies from requesting citizenship status when distributing voter registration forms, the latest blow to a wide-ranging executive order on elections President Donald Trump signed last year. U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly in Washington ruled that the Constitution’s separation of powers, giving states and to an extent Congress authority over setting election rules, are at the heart of the case. ‘Put simply, our Constitution does not allow the President to impose unilateral changes to federal election procedures,’ wrote the judge.”
- “Only 15% of Americans consider spending unlimited amounts of money on political campaigns to be an example of free speech”: From American Promise on its new Ipsos poll – “Our new national poll shows Americans don’t see unlimited campaign spending as free speech — and prefer voters and elected leaders to set the rules on money in politics… 68% of Americans think that wealthy donors have more influence over political candidates and campaigns than they had 10 years ago.”
- “Nine Solutions for Political Corruption”: New Brennan Center report that includes in its introduction -- “This is the first in a series of policy agendas. In coming months, the Brennan Center will offer proposals focusing on voting and representation, executive power, and the federal courts. We will set out ways to strengthen Congress. And we will put forward ideas for constitutional change.”
- “Lexington’s first Civic Assembly to discuss council member pay as part of a city charter review:” From WUKY in Kentucky -- “Over 340 applications were submitted to be part of the assembly, a 36-member group meant to represent a demographically balanced selection of residents. Wednesday, the panel was chosen lottery-style. The goal: reviewing parts of the city’s urban county charter — think of it like the city’s constitution — and delivering recommendations for changes to the city council, which has formally agreed to hear the ideas.”
- “The Problem Isn’t Apathy. It’s about Teaching Students Where Power Lives”: From the Fulcrum -- “ENACT is a national model that empowers college students to learn about democracy by practicing it. Through partnerships with nearly 50 campuses across the country, ENACT students research issues, gain civic skills, and work with policymakers on both sides of the aisle to advance policy solutions in their states.”
- “The Power of Story to Grow Democracy”: “Democracy 2076 and Harmony Labs teamed up to understand how entertainment media might be shaping people’s understanding of democracy. … Here we explore the story arcs and heroes that audiences engage with—inside and outside of government—to identify which ones are most likely to affect people’s beliefs about potential problems, build agency, and help people imagine a better future— steps that ultimately strengthen a democracy.”
- “Inside Democrats’ Brewing Debate Over Which States Should Vote First in 2028”: From the New York Times – “Democratic Party insiders are beginning to puzzle over one of the more consequential decisions for the party’s future: which states should vote first in the 2028 presidential primary elections. …Strategists say the order of states will heavily influence how the primary campaign unfolds — and who ultimately winds up as the face of the Democratic Party in 2028.”
- “State election officials project confidence after FBI search of Georgia elections office”: From Votebeat -- “The FBI’s search of a Fulton County, Georgia, election office, sent shock waves through election offices nationwide that have spent years responding to lawsuits, audits, and investigations driven by President Donald Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election. But state election officials — many of them gathered this week for a national conference — projected confidence afterward, saying their work has already withstood years of scrutiny following the 2020 election, and they have followed federal and state law.”
- Primary Reforms are Popular - And All-Candidate Model in Georgia and Texas Congressional Special Elections: Unite America last week released an Emerson poll that found 71% support requiring states to hold open primaries to unaffiliated voters — including 79% of Democrats, 70% of independents, and 65% of Republicans. Unite America’s top priority is unified, “all-candidate” primaries like Alaska’s Top 4 system, California’s Top 2 system, and Louisiana’s all-candidate state elections (where all go to the general elections, with a runoff if no candidate earns a majority). Notably, Texas just filled a U.S. House seat with all-candidate elections, and Georgia is filling Marjorie Taylor Greene’s vacancy with it as well.
Avoiding Top 2 Primary Lockouts, Promoting Our Vote, Timely Links was first published on The Expand Democracy 3 and was republished with permission.
Rob Richie leads Expand Democracy. As head of FairVote, he created the partisan voting index, designed Alaska’s Top Four system, and advanced the Fair Representation Act, the National Popular Vote, automatic voter registration, and ranked-choice voting.
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Photo by Manny Becerra on Unsplash
Trust in Elections Starts at the County Office
Feb 12, 2026
Two people have been killed in Minneapolis during a confrontation tied to federal immigration enforcement. The state government is resisting the federal government. Citizens are in the streets. Friends of mine who grew up in countries that experienced civil conflict have started texting me, pointing out patterns they recognize.
I don't know how Minnesota will resolve. But I know what it represents: a growing number of Americans do not trust that our disputes can be settled through legitimate institutions. When that trust disappears, force fills the vacuum. This is the context in which we must think about the 2026 elections.
According to the Pew Research Center, voters in 2024 gave high marks to how their local elections were administered, yet expressed less confidence in how elections were run nationally. AP-NORC found a similar pattern: people consistently trusted their local and state tallies more than the national picture. This gap points toward an opportunity. If legitimacy is experienced locally, it can be reinforced, and local pride in local processes can be spread.
A federal commission won't fix this. What might bring disengaged and skeptical citizens into the process, in their own communities, well before the next contested election? This means listening to each other's hopes and concerns. It means public tours of ballot processing. Poll-worker trainings that include people from different parties. County election officials are holding town halls where they answer hard questions transparently. None of this requires legislation or massive funding. It requires intention and invitation.
I'll be honest about the limits. Some distrust has nothing to do with procedures. It's about who's winning and who's losing. Some distrust is deliberately cultivated by people who benefit from our fighting. But local agency and local pride are powerful tools we have. When people see the process with their own eyes, alongside neighbors who vote differently but also agree that our elections should be run as flawlessly as possible, conspiracy theories lose their grip.
Braver Angels, a citizens' organization that brings together Democrats and Republicans, spent two years facilitating consensus-building conversations about elections: 26 workshops, 194 participants, 727 unanimous points of agreement, distilled into three guiding principles:
1. Voting should be easy. Cheating should be hard.
2. Every citizen should have an equal say in who governs them, through free and fair elections.
3. The American government will fail if candidates refuse to accept any outcome other than victory.
These principles aren't novel. That's the point. They reflect what most people already believe when they're not being told to distrust each other.
Imagine a dozen diverse communities deciding to host public events where election officials walk residents through how voting actually works in the coming months. Pair these with facilitated conversations where people can hear each other's concerns and work to resolve them.
Then connect these communities by video. Let a rural county in Georgia hear from an urban precinct in Michigan. Let them share what surprised them and why they are confident in their local election processes. Give them a chance to experience the goodwill of fellow voters in other parts of the country. If a handful of communities demonstrate this model, thousands might follow. The Election Assistance Commission, the National Association of Secretaries of State, and local League of Women Voters chapters are positioned to help with convening power, toolkits, and more.
What is happening in Minnesota feels alarming. But the dynamic is familiar: institutions lose legitimacy, grievances accumulate, and someone decides the rules no longer apply.
Elections are how we peacefully agree on our leaders. When we lose shared trust in our elections, leaders are no longer perceived as legitimate. Our ability to resolve our other conflicts without violence shrinks. This work isn't complicated. But it asks something many of us are out of practice with: being in the same room with people we disagree with and staying long enough to listen. It means helping communities turn toward each other rather than away when things feel scary.
The 2026 midterms are nine months away. The work can start next week in your county, with a phone call to your local election office, a meeting at the library, or a conversation at your place of worship.
We need each other to get through what's coming. We might as well start acting like it.
Joan Blades is a co-founder of LivingRoomConversations.org, AllSides, MomsRising, and MoveOn. This year, a focus on growing local pride in elections is central to her work. Living Room Conversations' Trustworthy Elections (local) conversation guide is a tested tool for inviting in missing voices, building understanding, and connections.
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