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Improving voter engagement for all Americans

Improving voter engagement for all Americans
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Barbara Smith Warner serves as Executive Director of the National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI).

Most discussions of voting tend to think of the US as a monolith, when in fact every state (and territory) runs its own election system. At the National Vote at Home Institute (NVAHI), we believe that robust mailed-out ballot systems are the key to voting that is fair and equitable for every American. They increase turnout across demographics, regardless of party affiliation, while maintaining security and instilling confidence in the results.


While only eight states and the District of Columbia mail a ballot to every eligible voter for every state and federal election, the rest reflect a variety of policies that make it easier or more difficult to vote at home. NVAHI recently released the first-ever scorecard to assess how “vote at home friendly” all 50 states and the District of Columbia are. Based on 15 criteria and informed by state policies and practices as of March 15, 2023, the scorecard provides a roadmap for state legislators, election officials, and citizens interested in moving their states closer to embracing full vote at home election systems.

In 2018, when NVAHI was founded, only four states exercised full vote at home election systems; just five years later, there are now eight states (California, Colorado, Hawaii, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, Vermont, and Washington) and Washington, D.C., covering almost 20% of U.S. voters.

What makes other states more vote at home friendly? A variety of inclusive policies that make mailed-out ballots more accessible and trustworthy to voters. From allowing “permanent absentee” (or single sign-up) that allow voters to automatically receive their mailed-out ballot for at least four years of future elections, and local option laws that allow the vote at home model in specific circumstances; to ballot tracking technology where voters can follow their ballots and “notify and cure” policies that allow voters to correct mistakes or update their signatures, there’s many ways to score.

Oregon, the first state to convert to a full vote at home model and the nation’s top performer for voter turnout in the 2022 midterm election, sits in the top 10 alongside California, Washington, Nevada, Colorado, District of Columbia, Hawaii, Utah, Vermont, and Arizona—all of whom exercise the full vote at home or no-excuse election landscape. In contrast, the ten lowest-scoring states have “excuse required” laws that mandate voters to provide a narrowly defined specific reason to vote by mail, ultimately hindering voter participation.

After the 2022 midterm elections, we saw a shift in the perception of this increasingly popular voting method that has been used without criticism for centuries. We listened as influential political voices — who once associated mail voting with fraud — began to promote mailed-out ballots as a feasible alternative to in-person voting. Those whose years-long crusade to discourage the use of mailed-out ballots resulted in decreased voter participation are choosing to seize the opportunities made possible by expanding access to the ballot box. What is definitive is that while voter turnout has boosted in the vote at home states, incidences of consequential fraud are notably absent.

When tracking the primary turnout in 2022, NVAHI found that states who sent ballots to all registered voters, or those where more than 75% received mailed-out ballots as “permanent absentees,” had an average turnout rate of 35%, compared to 26% for no-excuse required for mailed-out ballots states, and just 19% for states that are excuse required.

Over the last 20 years, we estimate over 1 billion ballots have been mailed out nationwide for presidential and midterm elections, party primary races, special vacancies, and local elections. This act of automatically receiving your ballot a few weeks before the election, and voting from the comfort of the space of your choosing, has significant turnout impact but no significant partisan impact. It’s good for participation, and that’s good for democracy. We hope that the scorecard will provide both the motivation and the roadmap for every state to move toward adoption of full vote at home models, while utilizing the best practices of these systems as they go.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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