Petrow-Cohen and Deal are on the staff of the Leadership Now Project, a membership group of mostly business leaders that invests in nonprofits and candidates that "advance a modern, effective democracy."
This is shaping up to be an election year with unprecedented challenges and high potential for chaos. Voting by mail is under fire from the Trump administration, the coronavirus pandemic has created a shortage of poll workers, and the Postal Service has sounded an alarm about its ability to handle a surge in ballot envelopes.
Defending the right to vote, which is the core of a strong democracy, is defending democracy itself. That's why our organization is working to mobilize the business community behind a plan to address these crises through a team called the Election Support Corps — a collection of business school students and people with an MBA ready to spend the next months supporting efforts to ensure the success of the election.
The corps was created this spring by a group of Leadership Now members across the country who were concerned about the security of our elections because of Covid-19. With democracy under fire, the effort has since expanded to 12 full-time staffers across eight states, and the team continues to grow rapidly.
Vote-by-mail is both secure and popular, as Amber McReynolds, founder of the National Vote at Home Institute, explains. Our own polling has found two-thirds of senior business executives support it. Nevertheless, our report this summer on election disinformation tells the story of targeted, well-funded campaigns aimed at undermining vote-by-mail in key states. Combined with a shortage of poll workers because of the virus, our election system is underprepared and vulnerable to chaos akin to what we saw in the Iowa caucuses as the year began.
Undoubtedly, this challenge is too big and too important for one organization to tackle on its own. Leadership Now has partnered with Vote at Home, Power the Polls, Protect Democracy, March to the Polls, and Students Learn Students Vote to achieve a set of lofty but essential goals related to election support. We can make progress by working together, sharing best practices and leveraging each organization's unique expertise.
The corps is now focused on three areas we believe will have the biggest impact on the elections in November.
The first is providing operational support to county election officials. By working with Vote at Home, our team has already placed MBA students and graduates in high-priority locations including Georgia, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Texas, New York and Washington, D.C., and we will place more of them in states where election officials have expressed need for support.
By leveraging tools our team created, they will help election administrators plan for mail-in ballots and in-person voting, and provide communications. This on-the-ground support is a key component of our effort.
The second is recruiting poll workers through university and corporate networks. Because three in five election workers are older than 60, and therefore at higher risk of Covid-19 complications, many are not serving this year and the resulting shortage is among the most critical challenges to the election.
In partnership with Power the Polls, an organization that directs users to the information necessary to register as a poll worker in their state, the corps is working to find young and healthy poll workers for counties with the most need. By partnering with other constituency groups such as Students Learn Students Vote and March to the Polls, corps has dramatically increased its impact. Stunningly, Power the Polls was able to register 80,000 poll workers in just one week this month — almost a third of the way to our 250,000 recruiting goal.
Finally, we are combatting disinformation and responding to election crises. Our disinformation report identified campaigns attempting to undermine the integrity of our elections and democracy more broadly. Given the number of confounding factors contributing to the spread of disinformation, we are also working with Protect Democracy on coordinated responses to all potential election scenarios. The Transition Integrity Project recently released a report laying out critical risks to this election, such as delayed or contested results. Countering disinformation and ensuring trust in our election system are critical to mitigating these risks.
Our partnerships with these groups is crucial to the success of our MBA corps. Tapping into their expertise, resources and strategies has been integral to creating a well-rounded and impactful program. As is too often forgotten, we can achieve much more together than we can alone. And at this moment of crisis, democracy requires all hands on deck.



















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.