Goldstone’s most recent book is "On Account of Race: The Supreme Court, White Supremacy, and the Ravaging of African American Voting Rights."
The leadership of the Texas Republican Party recently proposed a remarkable and bizarre platform, even by today’s whacky standards, which, among other pithy items, denied the legitimacy of Joe Biden’s victory, evoked God in almost every sentence, demanded repeal of the Voting Rights Act, upheld the unalienable rights of the “preborn” — a euphemism reminiscent of calling used cars “pre-sold” — and asserted the right of Texans to leave the Union.
“Texas retains the right to secede from the United States, and the Texas Legislature should be called upon to pass a referendum consistent thereto,” the platform stated, and asked for a ballot initiative in 2023 “for the people of Texas to determine whether or not the State of Texas should reassert its status as an independent nation.”
Without going into whether the United States would be better or worse off without the Lone Star State, the party also included a corollary in case God fearing, freedom loving Texans were forced to further endure co-existing with the radical atheists who populate Sodom and Gomorrah … that is to say, California and New York. They propose that any law passed by the federal government with which they do not agree “should be ignored, opposed, refused, and nullified.”
For example, they insist “all gun control is a violation of the Second Amendment and our God given rights.” Although they have yet to produce a poster with God toting an AR-15, there is one of a Rambo-esque Donald Trump in a similar pose, the next best thing. In other words, since the federal government has lost it constitutional legitimacy by being taken over by radicals who would annul such treasured guarantees as owning military-grade hardware and forcing transgender teens to use their biological bathrooms, citizens have the right to simply ignore whatever they deem in conflict with their interpretation of the U.S. Constitution.
Hmmm. Texas might be on to something here.
Legitimacy does matter, especially in a nation whose Declaration of Independence unequivocally states, “Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” Whether or not that statement implies “a majority” of the governed is uncertain since almost all of the Founders favored restricting voting privileges to property holders. Still, “consent of the governed” has been a guiding principle in every civil rights movement from women’s suffrage to equal seating on public buses to protesting the war in Vietnam.
In each of those, proponents refused to follow what they considered unjust and illegitimate laws or government dictates. In many cases, the laws were eventually changed or the rules rescinded, but nonetheless civil disobedience is always a risk, and should be an act of conscience.
Acts of conscience are desperately needed now. Currently, the Supreme Court, nine men and women who never face the electorate and serve for life, has used its power of nullification, what is commonly referred to as “judicial review,” to grab the nation by the scruff of the neck and send it the very direction Texas Republicans favor. They have used their position and that power to dole out rights to those with whom they agree and deny them to those with whom they do not. The phrase etched over the entrance to the Supreme Court building, “Equal Justice Under Law,” is seen by many to have lost its meaning, which is why the court currently enjoys its lowest approval rating since polling began.
But the bludgeon the court has employed, judicial review, is not granted to the courts in Article III, nor does it appear anywhere else in the Constitution, but rather was claimed for the court in Chief Justice John Marshall’s opinion in Marbury v. Madison in 1803. Proponents have insisted that the delegates to the Constitutional Convention need not have included a specific clause because judicial review is an obvious function of the courts and was so understood by those who drafted the document. They are likely wrong. There is a good bit of evidence in the constitutional debates that the delegates, committed to a separation of powers, would never have granted such a devastating weapon to the one branch of government against which “the people” had no recourse.
Regardless of whether or not judicial review is a legitimate power of the Supreme Court, it will lose that legitimacy if it is abused, and abused it has been. The question then becomes, as it is for Texas Republicans, what can ordinary citizens — or even state governments — do about it? As Texans have suggested, Supreme Court decisions that violate constitutional guarantees can be “ignored, opposed, refused, and nullified.”
President Andrew Jackson once supposedly said after Marshall issued a decision in a land dispute that Jackson didn’t care for, “John Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce it.” Although the quote is likely apocryphal, the sentiment is apt. State governments that do not wish to see the right to a safe, legal abortion denied might well allow abortion clinics to operate regardless of what the court rules, and even use state law enforcement personnel to protect them. States that do not wish to allow armed citizens to wander the streets brandishing their weaponry might seize those weapons or even arrest the offenders.
While those decisions might run afoul of the federal government and even cause a constitutional crisis, they may just as easily be the catalyst of change, and limit the power of a Supreme Court that is much more a creation of Mitch McConnell than the Framers of the Constitution.
If that happens, we should all thank Texas Republicans for showing the way.




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.