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Meet the reformer: Bonnie Miller, still fighting an Arkansas gerrymander

Bonnie Miller of Arkansas Voters First and the League of Women Voters
Arkansas Voters First

Bonnie Miller spent months working to get a measure on next week's Arkansas ballot that would have turned the state's political map making over to an independent commission. Her Arkansas Voters First Campaign gathered the necessary 150,000 signatures but was stopped on very narrow grounds by the state Supreme Court, meaning redistricting for this decade will be a partisan exercise controlled by elected Republicans. But Miller says she's not giving up on bettering democracy in her adopted home state, where she runs the League of Women Voters chapter in Fayetteville and is on the staff of the state university's law school. Her answers have been edited for clarity and length.

What's the tweet-length description of your organization?

The League of Women Voters seeks to improve government and impact public policies through education and advocacy.


Describe your very first civic engagement.

I ran for student government in middle school in southern California — unsuccessfully! My platform was not great and centered around more pizza and establishing dress-up days at school. I used a Mr. Potato Head during my campaign speech. Don't ask.

What was your biggest professional triumph?

Chairing our Arkansas Voters First campaign. Leading a grassroots movement to establish people-powered fair maps in our state has been the highlight of my life. I've been able to work with so many wonderful people who are passionate about redistricting reform and move our state closer to that goal.

And your most disappointing setback?

Having our ballot initiative disqualified based on a procedural technicality. We expected opposition but thought we would at least have the opportunity to campaign on the issue. Instead, the court removed our proposal from the November ballot despite our having met all of the requirements to get on. The secretary of state, who sits on the board of politicians responsible for drawing legislative districts, fought us every step of the way. This proves exactly why politicians should not have the power to draw districts and how far they're willing to go to keep it — including disenfranchising voters. We won't stop fighting for fair maps in Arkansas!

How does your identity influence the way you go about your work?

Having grown up in a biracial household, I've always been aware there are different realities for people of color and white folks living in America. Seeing first-hand how my Latinx family experiences democracy and engages with politics has directly impacted the issues important to me. I want to live in a country where all people are equally represented in their government. Gerrymandering undermines representative democracy, especially when done for purposes of diluting the votes of Black, Indigenous and other people of color.

What's the best advice you've ever been given?

Don't respond from a place of heightened emotion. For me, this is always a work in progress.

Create a new flavor for Ben & Jerry's.

Caturday: peanut butter ice cream with swirls of chocolate fudge and Trader Joe's dark chocolate peanut butter cups. The perfect Caturday treat.

What is your favorite TV show or movie about politics?

HBO's "Veep." Julia Louis-Dreyfus as Selina Meyer is brilliant.

What's the last thing you do on your phone at night?

Set my alarm. I usually check it at least three times before I fall asleep to make sure it's set.

What is your deepest, darkest secret?

I love to turn off the lights and dance alone to '90s pop hits in my house. You have to find joy where and how you can.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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