Stephen E. Herbits is an American businessman, former consultant to several Secretaries and Deputy Secretaries of Defense, executive vice president and corporate officer of the Seagram Company, advisor to the President's Advisory Commission on Holocaust Assets, and secretary general of the World Jewish Congress. He was the youngest person to be appointed commissioner on the Gates Commission. Herbits' career has specialized in "fixing" institutions – governmental, business, and not-for-profit – with strategic planning and management consulting.
What’s 165 years, give or take a decade? Chief Justice John Roberts apparently seeks to imitate Chief Justice Roger Taney’s Dred Scott decision and other Taney approaches to undermining America’s democracy.
Both Chief Justices led courts to premise the right to vote and participate in the electoral process on race and wealth. Every student in America learned that Taney led us to an existential war on the future of America as a nation. Roberts actions seem to indicate that today’s court will do the same and the election of 2024 may determine whether that continues.
Roberts, of course, is refusing to deal with the ethics of the Court and earning it the lowest respect for the Court in our history. Even his wife earns a substantial income from assisting in hiring attorneys for law firms with cases before the Court.
But way more important than giving his Associate Justices permission to accept funds and non-cash benefits to those with cases before the court, a close look at his decisions affecting who votes parallels Taney’s decisions. Chief Justice Taney reflected the attitudes of his home state of Maryland, at the time a segregationist state seeking to protect the wealth of White Southerners, especially those dependent on slavery.
Chief Justice Roberts’s 2010 decision permitted the rich to provide unlimited funds to Super PACs without a requirement for disclosure, i.e., “dark money.” He denied the opportunity for Americans to make their own judgments as to what interests those donations have on candidates, legislation, or presidential decision-making.
Roberts, not for the last time, based his reasoning on that there would be no collaboration between the Super PACs and specific campaigns is worse than a partisan smile. A perusal of the personnel who lead these Super PACs and their historical relationships with candidates or policies proves the fiction of this reasoning. It would be laughable if it wasn’t so important. In the 2020 election cycle, SuperPACs spent more than $2.1 billion.
Apparently lobbying isn’t enough for corporations. The $300 million spent last year by Big Pharma to stop President Biden’s successful legislation to permit Medicare to negotiate prices on drugs left the industry with the belief that campaign contribution would help.
A related fiction is the nonsense that “corporations” are people, too. Where in the Constitution are corporations mentioned? Corporations are, in fact, creations of governments who have, since their creation, regulated them. But, heaven forbid, senior executives and shareholders should have a constitutional right to have a greater impact on elections than those who work for them or buy their products or services.
Then, of course, comes Roberts’ assault on Black voters. In 1981, when President Ronald Reagan instructed the Department of Justice to support renewal of the Voting Rights Act (VRA), Roberts, then a junior attorney at the DOJ argued that “Violations of Section 2 should not be made too easy to prove, since they provide a basis for the most intrusive interference imaginable by federal courts into state and local processes.” How easily he ignores the belief that most Americans hold that we are a nation, not a confederacy.
The Voting Rights Act led by President Lyndon Johnson was passed in 1965 to end the post-Civil War disenfranchisement abuses from the same states that attempted to segregate. Those Jim Crow states created an extensive list of ways to continue blocking Black voters’ ability to vote. Roberts’ attempts to reinstate Jim Crow, although subtle and not direct, are real.
Step-by-step over the last decade, Roberts has gutted the Voting Rights Act, ignoring Congressional intent, prior precedent, and deference to the political branches, Roberts “reasoned” that “current need” no longer justified the VRA review of state voting laws. Since then, of course, many states have further restricted voting with very specific attempts designed to prevent Black and poor voters from voting. Ballotpedia and the Brennan Center have documented the increases in restrictions on voting since Roberts’ decision in Shelby.
Last year, Roberts surprised the legal community (and others who follow the decline of America) with his 5-4 decision to say that Alabama’s district designs violated Section 2 of the VRA. This “switch” came partly because of the critically important and detailed work of the Campaign Legal Center’s publication revealing Roberts‘s anti-voting pattern of decisions.
But just perhaps, Roberts noticed that last year, Arizona overwhelmingly approved Proposition 211 in an otherwise hair-breadth election for statewide offices. Is there any question that voters want fairness and transparency, even in swing states?
No one should be fooled by Roberts’ “token” decision. In Shelby (2013), Roberts wrote: “Things have changed in the South.” Believing that we were in a post-racial society, Roberts was wrong then… and his behavior since has exacerbated the problem. Perhaps the most glaring example of giving a state the right to decide who votes, not who voters want to vote for came with Roberts’ decision to set no limits on gerrymandering, a decision that blatantly violates the Constitutional mandate of one-man (now one-person), one vote. Gerrymandering leads directly (doesn’t even need to pass go) to hyper-partisanship and racism– something anyone who studies election law knows. It was not an accidental outcome.
Partisanship by the Supreme Court undermines the fundamental premise of the checks and balances created in the Constitution. There is no question that the Federal government can set standards for Federal elections. Still, Roberts, like Taney, found a way to ensure that state’s rights can supersede our nation’s collective future, divide us along regional lines, and drive us towards more violence.
Roberts promotes his image as an institutionalist. The public need not be misled. His “institutions” means Whites and the wealthy.
It may or may not be a coincidence. Still, it is interesting to note that Freedom House, which measures “democracy” worldwide annually, has clearly stated that the U.S. has become less democratic since 2008 – the year John Roberts became Chief Justice. If America is not a leader in demonstrating what is good about democracy, it loses its ability to stand as a model for other nations…and ultimately our own national security.
Sources
- Data for Progress reports that “58% of respondents said the court is corrupted by big-money influences, compared to 30% who disagreed with that statement. Other surveys show similar or worse results.
- Outside Spending by Super PAC, Open Secrets
- Citizens United v Federal Election Commission, 558 U.S. 310 (2010)
- Shelby County v. Holder (2013)
- Allen v Milligan (2022)
- The independent, not-for-profit Campaign Legal Center, led by an attorney and former Republican Chair of the Federal Elections Commission, has explained Roberts’s election decisions succinctly and precisely.
- Neil Howe, The Fourth Turning is Here. 2023



















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.