The battle over redistricting is intensifying across the country, with bipartisan concern mounting over democratic legitimacy, racial equity, and the urgent need for structural reform. Yet despite years of advocacy from cross-partisan organizations and scholars, the partisan battle over gerrymandering is accelerating, threatening to fracture the very foundation of representative democracy.
The Fulcrum has been watching closely. In our August 8th editorial, we warned of the dilemma now facing the reform movement:
“At The Fulcrum, we’ve consistently amplified voices advocating for structural reforms: eliminating gerrymandering, fixing campaign finance, opening primaries, and advancing ranked-choice voting. The leaders of national reform organizations we regularly feature view these changes not simply as policy adjustments, but as moral imperatives essential to ensuring citizens have a meaningful voice and agency in their governance.”
These reforms rest on a foundational assumption: that we operate within a functioning representative, democratic framework where voters ultimately shape the system rather than being shaped by it. But what happens when that assumption collapses?
In our February editorial, we reaffirmed our commitment to avoid reflexive partisanship while telling the truth about real threats to democratic governance. We acknowledged the complexity of our moment—and the need to distinguish legitimate political debate from norm-breaking behavior that corrodes democratic values. That balance between clarity and complexity, truth and transparency, remains our editorial compass. But as democratic backsliding accelerates, the terrain we navigate grows more precarious.
Now two weeks after our August column the crisis has deepened.
Gerrymandering battles are escalating in at least six states, with Texas and Florida leading a mid-decade redistricting push that critics call a raw power grab. In Texas, Governor Greg Abbott—backed by President Trump—is pursuing a plan to redraw congressional maps to add five Republican seats, bypassing the traditional post-census timeline. Democratic lawmakers fled the state to block the vote, triggering a constitutional standoff and national outrage. The proposed maps crack and pack minority communities, especially in Travis County (Austin), where five districts now dilute Democratic strength.
Meanwhile, Florida’s Republican-controlled legislature is launching a similar effort, despite the state’s Fair Districts Amendment banning partisan gerrymandering. Governor Ron DeSantis and House Speaker Paul Renner have formed a select committee to explore legal avenues for redrawing maps, potentially cementing GOP dominance ahead of 2026.
Other states are watching and preparing to retaliate. Democratic governors in California and New York have pledged to “fight fire with fire,” with plans to redraw their own maps to counter Republican gains. Indiana, Missouri, and South Carolina are also under scrutiny, as GOP leaders consider redistricting maneuvers to expand their congressional foothold. The result is a partisan arms race that threatens to destabilize electoral norms, with lawmakers representing ever-shifting districts and voters losing meaningful representation. Experts warn that without national redistricting standards, the U.S. could enter a cycle of perpetual map warfare undermining democratic accountability and fueling polarization.
And across the country reform leaders are sounding the alarm. As reported in the Fulcrum on August 18th Micahel Walman, President of the Brennan Center for Justice writes
“Voters should choose their politicians, not the other way around. The Texas gerrymander and the partisan war it has triggered signal an extraordinarily dangerous period for American democracy.”
In the writing, Walman calls for national redistricting standards and criticizes both parties for failing to act when they had the chance
Lee Drutman, senior fellow at New America a leading advocate for proportional representation, sees gerrymandering not as the root problem but as a symptom of a deeper structural flaw: the single-member district system. As long as congressional elections are winner-take-all contests in geographically drawn districts, politicians will have strong incentives to manipulate boundaries for partisan gain. Even independent commissions, he argues, are limited when the system itself rewards polarization and geographic sorting. Drutman’s solution is proportional representation which would allow multiple representatives per district and ensure that votes translate more fairly into seats. He frequently cites the Apportionment Act of 1842 as the moment that entrenched single-member districts, setting the stage for today’s redistricting wars. “The only way to end the gerrymandering wars,” he writes, “is proportional representation.”
In the coming weeks, The Fulcrum will be watching with laser focus as this battle intensifies. With President Trump openly backing mid-decade redistricting efforts in states like Texas, Missouri, and Florida, the stakes have escalated beyond partisan maneuvering into a full-blown campaign to consolidate power ahead of the 2026 midterms.
Reform advocates warn that artificially drawn lines are engineered to dilute the voting power of communities of color and entrench incumbents and threaten to turn representative democracy into a rigged game.
As protests erupt nationwide and governors from both parties prepare retaliatory redraws, the specter of “mutually assured gerrymandering” looms large. Citizens fear that Trump’s strategy, bolstered by executive orders and partisan commissions, could lock in minority rule and neuter electoral accountability for decades to come
The Fulcrum will continue to track these developments regularly. As partisan maneuvering intensifies and states test the boundaries of electoral norms, we remain committed to providing clear, nonpartisan coverage that distinguishes structural critique from political reaction. Our editorial compass remains focused on transparency, democratic integrity, and the evolving debate over how best to ensure fair representation in a rapidly shifting landscape.
David Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.




















A view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 25, 2026. President Donald Trump jolted Republicans during a fiery appearance at the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, scrapping a housing bill signing ceremony and clashing behind closed doors with a party rebel who challenged him over the Iran war. Trump had been expected to sign the bipartisan housing.
Only Trump doesn’t care about housing
It was August 15, 2024. Then candidate Donald Trump stepped out of his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club’s columned clubhouse to a gaggle of reporters. He was flanked by tables of groceries and signs showing the rising cost of food. Also on one of the tables was a dollhouse, meant to represent the equally alarming rise in housing prices.
It was a speech about the economy, the single most important issue of the 2024 election cycle, full of promises that went right to the heart of Americans’ anxieties. While former President Joe Biden and then Vice President Kamala Harris were contorting themselves to posture a good economy that just needed more time to recover from the pandemic, Trump was preying on voters’ very real fears of unaffordable gas, groceries, and homes. It was obviously a winning message.
In that speech, Trump promised, “We’re going to open up tracts of federal land for housing construction. We desperately need housing for people who can’t afford what’s going on now.”
As of mid-2023, there had been a housing shortage of nearly four million homes, according to the National Association of Realtors. Americans all over the country were either priced out of buying new homes due to low inventory, trapped in their existing homes by sky-high mortgage rates, or facing exorbitant rent hikes thanks to corporate investors buying up rental properties. Americans needed help, and Trump promised it.
Cut to March of 2026, when Trump reportedly told House Speaker Mike Johnson, “No one gives a sh*t about housing.”
That kind of thinking may explain why Trump this week suddenly announced he was canceling a signing ceremony for the bipartisan “21st Century ROAD to Housing Act,” a housing bill co-sponsored by Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Tim Scott that passed the House 358-32 and was approved in the Senate on Monday.
Trump instead demanded Congress pass the SAVE America Act, his controversial election grievance bill that doesn’t have enough Republican support to get passed in the Senate.
It’s just the latest in a line of policy self-owns where Trump has seemingly intentionally made life more difficult for Republicans hoping to keep their majority. Despite midterm elections occurring in the midst of a blistering economy and an unpopular war, they were surely hoping the housing bill would give them something — anything — to brag about when they returned home to their districts.
And very much to the contrary, Americans do give a sh*t about housing. According to a recent survey by the Bipartisan Policy Center, a whopping 79% say the cost of housing is extremely or very important to them. Eighty-three percent say Congress should take action on the issue — like it just did. Eighty-nine percent say the House and Senate need to work together to pass affordable housing legislation — like they just did. And 63% say they would be more likely to vote for a lawmaker if they helped pass legislation to build more affordable homes and lower housing costs — like they just did.
There aren’t many issues that unite Americans like housing does, and very few bipartisan policy wins Congress can point to, and yet, Trump is holding that bill hostage in order to get his pet project — which doesn’t even have the support of his own party — pushed through.
If you’re trying to make sense of something so nonsensical, as I’m sure many Republican lawmakers are, it’s certainly sad but not actually all that complicated. Trump said what he needed to get reelected and then promptly abandoned his promises in order to pursue his own self-interests, even if those interests are bad for Republicans and bad for voters.
That’s just the kind of guy he is.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.