Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Conservatism: Past and present

Conservatism: Past and present
Getty Images

William Natbony is an attorney and business executive specializing in investment management, finance, business law and taxation. He is the author of The Lonely Realist, a blog directed at bridging the partisan gap by raising questions and making pointed observations about politics, economics, international relations and markets.

Being a Conservative in 2023 does not have the same meaning as being a Conservative in the 1980s … or even as recently as in 2015 (when the Freedom Caucus was founded). Classical American Conservatism was grounded in the principles articulated by William F. Buckley and Ronald Reagan. It had three essential elements: fiscal restraint, a belief in traditional American values, and a strong internationalist focus on trade and national defense. Today’s politicians who label themselves as “conservatives'' adhere to a quite different philosophy.


Traditional fiscal conservatism (including that followed by think tanks like the Hoover Institution and the American Enterprise Institute) meant low taxes, modest government spending, balanced government budgets, and minimal government debt. It relied on a Darwinian approach to free markets whereby the government takes a back seat to capitalism, providing a limited, incentivized safety net for those at the bottom of the economic ladder. Because free markets are disruptive, they bring rapid change that maximizes growth at the expense of leaving late-adapters behind – including those whose jobs become obsolete by progress.

The Reagan Revolution had those consequences … and America, along with most Americans (though far from all), prospered. However, that is not the philosophy driving today’s political conservatives. Although fiscal conservatives today continue to adhere to a low-tax philosophy, they do so while increasing government debt, substituting it for business and individual obligations, larger deficits and propelling a centralized government coordination of economic activity that focuses on populism rather than fiscal probity (often referred to as Statism).

Traditional American Conservatism emphasized minimal interference by governments in the lives of Americans, strict Constitutional constructionism, and adherence to historical American family values. As President Reagan said, “Government’s first duty is to protect the people, not run their lives.” Today’s political conservatism nevertheless employs Federal and State activism to empower workers and other “stakeholders” to have a voice in corporate decision-making, provide government subsidies to encourage larger more home-focused families, limit abortion and sexual rights, control what may be taught at schools and offered by libraries, subsidize onshore manufacturing and business-development, and restrict immigration to prevent the wage-erosion of native-born Americans, all policies that exalt government in ways similar to the the Democratic Biden Administration. What was once a smaller-government Conservative mantra is now a bigger-government set of rallying cries that, surprisingly, are shared at various levels by both conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats.

The traditional Conservative approach to global issues relied on internationalism with a laser focus on national defense. Today, those are the policies of the Biden Administration. Today’s political conservatives instead have adopted America First isolationist, trade and tariff policies that were last popular in the 1930s when America believed itself safely insulated by Atlantic and Pacific Ocean distances.

Vivek Ramaswamy recently provided an example of this current foreign policy conservatism by advocating a solution to the Ukraine War inspired by former President Trump. If elected, he would require Putin to end his alliance with China in exchange for America’s commitment that NATO would never admit Ukraine. In doing so, he would endorse Russia’s annexation of parts of Ukraine as well as Russia’s intent to thereafter absorb the remainder. This approach (and a similar one he proposed for Taiwan) ignores appeasement history (for example, the 1938 Munich Agreement that consented to the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia). Traditional Conservatism recognizes that appeasing aggressors doesn’t work and accordingly endorses a strong defense founded on a globalist/internationalist foreign policy in reliance on democratically-centered alliances and a powerful military.

The practice of 21st Century “conservative” politicians is to articulate positions that emphasize ’80’s Conservative buzzwords without adopting traditionally Conservative policies. A majority of today’s “conservative” politicians offer a brand of populism designed to attract campaign dollars and maximize their odds of election. Unfortunately, perpetual electioneering with perpetual invective doesn’t enhance democracy or result in fiscal restraint, further traditional American values, or create a strong national defense. To the contrary, oppositional politicking leads to tribalism, extremism and internal strife. Labels of Conservative, Liberal, Republican and Democrat have mutated into electioneering slogans, shorn of their historical meanings.

Instead of pursuing Conservative policies, America’s current “conservatives” seem intent on being the party of opposition. However, “oppositional government” is not the same as “effective government.” Climate change provides a useful example of what a truly conservative agenda might accomplish. Traditional conservatism acknowledges realities and despite climate change deniers there is little argument amongst scientists that the planet indeed is warming. A core belief of traditional conservatism would find solutions void of big government programs and big government subsidies. A conservative response to global warming would include reducing burdensome government regulations that delay and often prevent the private development of energy alternatives. Similarly, rather than stigmatizing nuclear energy by treating it as a vote-killer, a Conservative energy agenda would promote an expedited national process to permit the construction of next-generation nuclear reactors. Doing so would encourage nuclear energy over coal- and gas-fired energy production admittedly a challenge for politicians from energy-producing States. Approaches of solving problems with less government intervention that foster a stronger capitalist economy used to be the cornerstones of Conservative philosophy.

Traditional Conservatives' perspective was on bettering government. The goal of today’s “conservative” politicians has become centered on election outcomes. That is terribly sad for America.

Read More

Does either party actually want to win the Senate race in Texas?

US Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) speaks during an "Oversight and Government Reform" hearing on Capitol Hill, in Washington, D.C., on Feb. 12, 2025. (Alex Wroblewski/AFP/Getty Images/TNS)

(Alex Wroblewski/AFP/Getty Images/TNS)

Does either party actually want to win the Senate race in Texas?

One of the worst features of the election primary system in our polarized “Red vs. Blue” time is the tendency of primary voters to flock to the candidate they most want to “destroy” the other party, not the candidate best positioned to do so.

Let’s say a zombie is scratching at your door. You’ve got a shotgun, a handgun and your favorite frying pan. The shotgun has the greatest chance of success, the handgun — if one is careful and skilled — has a solid chance of working, and the frying pan? It probably won’t dispatch the threat but, come on, how cool would it be to take out a zombie with a frying pan? So, you go with that.

Keep ReadingShow less
artificial intelligence

Rather than blame AI for young Americans struggling to find work, we need to build: build new educational institutions, new retraining and upskilling programs, and, most importantly, new firms.

Surasak Suwanmake/Getty Images

Blame AI or Build With AI? Only One Approach Creates Jobs

We’re failing young Americans. Many of them are struggling to find work. Unemployment among 16- to 24-year-olds topped 10.5% in August. Even among those who do find a job, many of them are settling for lower-paying roles. More than 50% of college grads are underemployed. To make matters worse, the path forward to a more stable, lucrative career is seemingly up in the air. High school grads in their twenties find jobs at nearly the same rate as those with four-year degrees.

We have two options: blame or build. The first involves blaming AI, as if this new technology is entirely to blame for the current economic malaise facing Gen Z. This course of action involves slowing or even stopping AI adoption. For example, there’s so-called robot taxes. The thinking goes that by placing financial penalties on firms that lean into AI, there will be more roles left to Gen Z and workers in general. Then there’s the idea of banning or limiting the use of AI in hiring and firing decisions. Applicants who have struggled to find work suggest that increased use of AI may be partially at fault. Others have called for providing workers with a greater say in whether and to what extent their firm uses AI. This may help firms find ways to integrate AI in a way that augments workers rather than replace them.

Keep ReadingShow less
Our Doomsday Machine

Two sides stand rigidly opposed, divided by a chasm of hardened positions and non-relationship.

AI generated illustration

Our Doomsday Machine

Political polarization is only one symptom of the national disease that afflicts us. From obesity to heart disease to chronic stress, we live with the consequences of the failure to relate to each other authentically, even to perceive and understand what an authentic encounter might be. Can we see the organic causes of the physiological ailments as arising from a single organ system – the organ of relationship?

Without actual evidence of a relationship between the physiological ailments and the failure of personal encounter, this writer (myself in 2012) is lunging, like a fencer with his sword, to puncture a delusion. He wants to interrupt a conversation running in the background like an almost-silent electric motor, asking us to notice the hum, to question it. He wants to open to our inspection the matter of what it is to credit evidence. For believing—especially with the coming of artificial intelligence, which can manufacture apparently flawless pictures of the real, and with the seething of the mob crying havoc online and then out in the streets—even believing in evidence may not ground us in truth.

Keep ReadingShow less