Pearl is a clinical professor of plastic surgery at the Stanford University School of Medicine and is on the faculty of the Stanford Graduate School of Business. He is a former CEO of The Permanente Medical Group.
Magicians know the key to a convincing trick is misdirection.
They instruct you to follow the left hand so that you’ll ignore the right, which is subtly palming a ball or pulling an ace from the sleeve. The art of the illusion hinges on the magician’s ability to divert attention from where the real action is happening. And, therefore, every illusion conceals the truth.
Similarly, the U.S. biopharmaceutical industry has relied on subtle forms of misdirection in response to increased scrutiny from Congress, the Biden administration and health policy experts.
Here are three illusions drug companies have crafted to maintain massive profitability:
Illusion No. 1: A Death-Defying Feat
Drug research and development (R&D) has, for decades, gifted humanity with medical wonders: antibiotics, statins, cancer therapies and HIV/AIDS treatments.
In the 21st century, however, drug innovation has slowed while pharma companies have made exorbitant pricing a key business strategy. Over the past 18 years, biopharma companies have earned an average gross profit margin of 77%. Last year, the five largest pharma firms generated more than $81.9 billion in profits.
To combat runaway drug prices, Congress passed the Inflation Reduction Act last year, allowing the U.S. government to negotiate prices for a limited number of expensive medications starting in 2026.
The pharmaceutical sector immediately filed lawsuits. In public remarks, drug spokespeople have created the illusion that any reduction in drug-industry profits will destroy R&D innovation and harm millions of patients.
The Hidden Truth
Hidden in this illusion are three facts drug companies don’t want Americans to know. Combined, these truths tell a different story about pharmaceutical research and development.
First, an overwhelming percentage of drug prices gets channeled into corporate profits and administrative costs, not R&D. In fact, a report during the height of the pandemic found that 7 in 10 major drug companies spent more on marketing and sales than R&D.
Second, research concludes that price constraints would minimally impact drug discovery. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that reducing the pharmaceutical revenues would result in just one less drug over the next decade and a total of 1% fewer medications over the next 30 years.
The third and most pernicious part of the illusion is getting people to ignore how many Americans are harmed by the unaffordability of life-essential medications. One example is insulin prices, which have tripled over the past decade. As a result, researchers from Yale found 25% of children with type 1 diabetes are given lower doses by their parents than their physicians recommend.
Nearly 1 in 4 Americans on prescription drugs now report difficulty affording their medications. That is the hidden truth. Exorbitant Rx prices hurt and kill far more Americans than the supposed loss of R&D ever would.
Illusion No. 2: The Statue Of Liberty Trick
Once Americans buy into the illusion that exorbitant drug prices are necessary to save lives, pharmaceutical companies move on to the next sleight of hand.
It goes like this: The United States, alone, must shoulder the enormous burden of drug prices.
Right now, Americans pay 2.4 to 3.4 times more for medications than in peer nations.
Much of the disparity in spending dates back to 2003 when Congress passed a law prohibiting the U.S. government from negotiating drug prices. And without any pricing regulations in place, domestic drug companies have pushed the boundaries ever higher. Over the past two years, nearly half of FDA approved medications have debuted above $150,000 with several topping $1 million per patient.
Outside of the United States, excessively high drug prices are a rarity.
Ozempic exemplifies the problem. This diabetes drug helps people lose significant weight while also avoiding heart attacks. A month’s supply of it costs $936 in the United States. In Japan, it sells for $169. It’s just $93 in the UK, $87 in Australia and $83 France.
Each of these countries has instituted drug-pricing controls and caps on drugmaker profits. If our nation adopted the same regulations, we could prescribe Ozempic to every overweight and obese American, and affordably solve the obesity epidemic. But under current retail pricing, doing so would increase drug spending $1.5 trillion per year, raising overall healthcare costs by 25%.
The Hidden Truth
The illusion here is that drug prices in other wealthy nations are non-negotiable.
But of course, that’s not accurate. American drug companies could play hardball with peer countries, refusing to sell their medications unless a more equitable pricing structure can be reached.
But why bother when you can simply stick Americans with the bill?
Illusion No. 3: What’s In Your Pocket?
When it comes to purchasing prescription drugs, there are two prices. There’s the very high retail price drug companies charge and the much-smaller amount insured patients pay when they pick up their medications (the out-of-pocket expense).
Since out-of-pockets are only small fraction of the total drug expense, drug companies would like Americans to concentrate on those dollars. But that requires people to assume the rest of the money—paid by the government or private businesses—is free.
The Hidden Truth
The reality is that workers and taxpayers wind up paying the price for expensive medications in two ways:
1. Workers earn less pay as benefit costs increase. That’s because employers treat wages and healthcare benefits as a single expense. As medical costs soar, raises disappear and salaries stagnate.
2. Taxpayers either pay more or get less. When medical costs rise, the government must either raise taxes or cut programs, including school funding and public safety.
Deception and misdirection can be sources of wonder at magic shows. But illusions in healthcare prove to be disturbing, dangerous and deadly.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.