Part I - The Ministry Denies It
Like many true elder millennials, I find comfort in escaping into fantasy worlds – Harry Potter, Lord of the Rings, Star Wars. But lately, these stories haven’t just been a break from the chaos of real life. They’ve become a lens for understanding it. They remind me what courage looks like when the odds are stacked, and what it means to stand up, not just to threats to justice, but to silence, complicity, and fear.
Lately, I’ve been thinking less about the final battles, the catharsis, the clarity, the triumphant arrival of friends. We’re not there yet. Not even close. What I keep returning to is Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix, the part of the story where everything tightens. The danger is real. The protagonists are scattered. The institutions are eroding. And the air gets heavy with denial and dread.
Voldemort has returned, but the Ministry of Magic refuses to admit it. Rather than confront the threat, those in power turn on the people who do. Truth-tellers are ridiculed, surveilled, and silenced. Education, once meant to foster critical thinking, is recast as indoctrination. Dissent becomes disruption. Truth becomes dangerous.
At the center of it all is Dolores Umbridge, smiling through pink cardigans and kitten plates as she issues decree after decree. Her power doesn’t come from brute force, but from something more insidious: the weaponization of bureaucracy. She governs through policy, paperwork, and punishment, tightening control with every rule and ritual designed to reward obedience and punish defiance.
It’s also not just the rules. It’s the gaslighting. A kind so relentless that it makes you question your memory of what’s right, of what’s real.
Today’s decrees aren’t written in magical ink, but they echo those same tactics. They come dressed as executive orders, targeted investigations, and retaliatory firings masked as efficiency, which looks like governance but functions as something else entirely. As political scientists Steven Levitsky, Lucan Way, and Daniel Ziblatt warn, “Most 21st-century autocrats are elected… They convert public institutions into political weapons.” In this model, repression hides behind bureaucracy. It’s disguised as a process, making it harder to name, and easier to doubt your instincts.
The goal also isn’t just control. It’s to make resistance feel reckless. “When citizens must think twice about criticizing or opposing the government,” they write, “because they could credibly face government retribution, they no longer live in a full democracy.”
That’s the danger right now: when fear isolates, and silence starts to feel like strategy.
And what makes it more disorienting is that we can’t even agree on what’s happening. Some see a democratic collapse. Others see righteous restoration. Many disengage entirely, unmoved, overwhelmed, or unwilling to name it.
This isn’t just polarization, it’s a fracture in shared reality. And beneath that fracture, something even more destabilizing: a collapse of trust.
Trust is more than a sentiment. It’s the scaffolding of civic life, the thing that makes dissent possible, and gives us confidence that others will stand beside us, even if they don’t fully agree.
But according to a new report by the Pew Research Center, 64% of Americans say most people can’t be trusted, a number that hasn’t budged since 2016. And when trust erodes, democracy doesn’t collapse all at once; it decays quietly, from within.
Even in that decay, though, something begins to grow, not because it’s safe, but because it’s necessary.
In the Order of the Phoenix, the institutions are compromised. The leadership is absent. The heroes are scattered. And still, something forms. Dumbledore’s Army doesn’t begin with a sweeping call to arms. It begins in the margins, with a few people deciding they won’t wait for permission to defend what matters. It wasn’t a dramatic uprising. It was a quiet refusal to comply in advance.
This is where we choose what kind of characters we want to be, not waiting for a rescue (because no one is coming), but recognizing the story depends on us.
Fantasy stories – and history – remind us: turning points rarely feel like turning points. They don’t come with clarity or consensus. They come with hesitation. They come when people stop waiting for the right moment and start acting anyway.
Part II: Dumbledore’s Army Begins
In every story we turn to for meaning, Harry Potter, The Lord of the Rings, Star Wars, there’s a moment when it feels like the heroes might lose. The world is unraveling faster than it can be repaired. The danger is real, the enemy is advancing, and help isn’t coming.
That kind of despair isn’t just emotional, it’s strategic. It’s exactly what authoritarianism counts on. Not brute force, but momentum. The illusion that resistance is futile. That no one else will act. That the outcome is already decided.
But illusions can be broken.
And they are. We’ve already seen cracks in the surface: mass protests, legal victories, institutional pushback. In February 2025 alone, over 2,000 protests were recorded across the country, more than double the number from the same time in 2017. As researchers Erica Chenoweth, Jeremy Pressman, and Soha Hammam observed, “Americans seem to be rediscovering the art, science, and potency of noncooperation. The resistance isn’t fading. It’s adapting, diversifying, and just getting started.”
The way forward doesn’t require perfect coordination. It requires commitment and showing up, however and wherever we can. This isn’t a single movement, it’s a mosaic. And that’s a strength, not a flaw.
We know what works. We’ve tested interventions, built infrastructure, and shifted narratives. The question now is whether we’re showing up, consistently, creatively, and together.
And we are starting to. Educators are shielding students from political interference. Lawyers are refusing to capitulate under threat. Institutions and public servants are holding the line. Neighbors, coworkers, and faith leaders are choosing not to normalize the unacceptable. People are stepping outside their comfort zones, seeking connection, building trust, and strengthening the civic fabric.
The work is underway. The call now is to keep going and to bring others with us.
As Ian Bassin of Protect Democracy reminds us, “To believe in democracy is to believe that we, collectively, have the power to shape our future… until democracy is completely vanquished, and even after, ultimate power rests in the hands of We the People.”
Chenoweth’s research shows that every successful nonviolent movement in modern history has mobilized at least 3.5% of the population. That number isn’t a ceiling, it’s a threshold. Just enough to break inertia and begin shifting momentum. But reaching that threshold doesn’t happen on its own. It takes people inviting others in, making participation feel possible, even joyful.
And that’s what gives me hope. As long as enough of us keep speaking up, showing up, and standing together, the story doesn’t end here. We still get to shape what’s written in the next chapters.
Part III - The Magic Is US
Fantasy stories remind us that it was never about the numbers; it was about the networks.
Dumbledore’s Army. The Fellowship. The Resistance.
They didn’t wait for permission. They didn’t wait for someone else. They stepped into the story, scared, unsure, and in motion.
Now it’s our turn. Now it’s your turn.
Maybe you’ve never seen yourself as an activist. Maybe you still don’t. That’s okay. Because this isn’t about activism as an identity, it’s about citizenship as a practice.
And somewhere along the way, we stopped practicing it.
In America, we’ve come to treat citizenship like a spectator sport, something you check into every few years. Something reserved for politicians, pundits, or the loudest voices in the room. But democracy was never meant to be a performance. It’s a collective act, sustained by ordinary people showing up in ordinary ways.
Real citizenship is how we meet this moment, not just in resistance, but in participation. Not just when the stakes are high, but when no one’s watching. Not just in protest of what we’re against, but in active pursuit of what we’re trying to build.
If we want to keep the experiment of American democracy alive, we can’t treat it like someone else’s job. We have to be participants, not spectators.
So, how do we start showing up?
Remember, we’re working with a mosaic. Practicing citizenship looks different for each of us, but here are three ways anyone can begin:
Find Your People. Find Your Joy.
Democracy isn’t just sustained by protests and policies, it’s sustained by relationships. And right now, we’re living through a loneliness epidemic. According to Pew, nearly half of Americans say they don’t have a single person they could call in an emergency, or even trust with a spare key. That kind of isolation doesn’t just erode well-being, it weakens our capacity to care, to engage, to stand up for each other.
So start small. Community doesn’t have to be big to be powerful, it just has to be real.
If you’re looking for ways to start building community, here are a few places to begin:
- The Longest Table – A global movement bringing neighbors together over shared meals to build connection and empathy.
- National Good Neighbor Day – A national initiative encouraging neighborly acts and stronger local ties.
- A Wider Circle – Hosts “Neighbor to Neighbor Day” and other community engagement efforts that foster dignity and mutual aid.
And most importantly, make space for joy. Share meals, laughter, and stories. These aren’t distractions from the work, they’re what the work is for. Even in the darkest chapters of history, people still fell in love. Still celebrated. Still found each other. Because joy, connection, and belonging aren’t extras. They’re part of how we endure. They’re how we honor our shared social contract, to care for one another.
Model the Democracy You Want
Our democratic values don’t just live in constitutions and courtrooms, they live in us. In what we expect. In what we tolerate. In how we treat people, especially those with whom we disagree.
That means refusing to accept injustice, corruption, or dehumanization as normal. And it means calling in, not just calling out: having honest, respectful conversations that challenge harmful ideas while leaving room for learning and growth.
You don’t have to be a politician to shape democratic culture. Just let your values be visible in how you listen, how you speak, and how you engage across differences.
These groups offer tools, trainings, and spaces to help you do that work:
- Team Democracy: Encourages citizens to commit to safe and fair elections through their Principles for Trusted Elections Pledge.
- Citizen University – Equips people with the knowledge, skills, and spirit to be powerful citizens, promoting civic rituals and education that reinforce democratic culture and norms.
- Civic Genius – Makes democratic systems more accessible, with resources for understanding and participating in local governance.
- Better Together America – Promotes civic unity by helping Americans engage across political differences, support democratic values, and restore trust in institutions and one another.
- One America Movement – Works with faith leaders and communities to confront toxic polarization by fostering relationships across religious and political divides.
Protect the Process
Democracy doesn’t run on autopilot. It depends on systems that are fair, transparent, and accountable, and on individuals who ensure they remain that way. Protecting the process means keeping those systems visible, responsive, and strong.
That might mean volunteering as a poll worker or helping a neighbor get the ID they need to vote. Or it could mean attending a town hall, tracking how public money is spent, or submitting a comment on a local policy.
Here are some organizations that make it easier to get involved and stay informed:
- VoteRiders – Helps voters navigate complex ID laws and ensures access to the ballot.
- League of Women Voters – Offers nonpartisan guides and local engagement opportunities.
- Power the Polls – Recruits volunteers to serve as poll workers and ensure safe, fair, and accessible elections in local communities.
- Open States – Let’s you follow your state legislature and track bills in real time.
These practices aren’t side quests. They’re the main storyline, the way turning points begin – quietly, collectively, and often before we realize it.
And if these stories have taught us anything, it’s this: the arc shifts when ordinary people decide the story is theirs to shape.
As Dumbledore once told Harry, “It is our choices, Harry, that show what we truly are, far more than our abilities.”
We don’t need magic to know what comes next – just the courage to believe that our choices now determine how the story ends.
Sarah Beckerman is the founder of Global Forward Consulting, bringing over 15 years of experience in democracy, development, and conflict resolution. She has supported mission-driven leaders across the United States and globally in navigating complexity, building impactful initiatives, and turning bold ideas into action. Sarah previously served as Vice President of Programs at the One America Movement and held senior roles at the National Democratic Institute and the Truman National Security Project.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.