Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

How to Slay a Dragon: Reflections on a documentary

Opinion

How to Slay a Dragon: Reflections on a documentary

"My favorite scene is when a U-Haul truck pulls up outside the office of the Michigan secretary of state and volunteers line up to pass boxes full of petitions from hand to hand into the filing office," writes Harry Kresky.

YouTube

Kresky is an attorney in New York. He wrote this piece for Independent Voter News.

I recently had the pleasure of watching "Slay the Dragon," Barak Goodman and Chris Durrance's stunning documentary on the fight against partisan gerrymandering in Michigan and Wisconsin. It played before a full house at Betaworks Studios in lower Manhattan.

The film tracked parallel efforts in the courts and on the ground. In Wisconsin a group of Democratic Party activists put together a high-powered legal team to sue in federal court, arguing that in 2011 the Wisconsin legislature enacted a redistricting scheme that disadvantaged Democrats. The measure of the disadvantage was the disparity between the vote statewide for Democratic Party candidates and the number of seats the party won in the state legislature in 2012. The case succeeded in the lower courts but was reversed by the Supreme Court on the grounds that the plaintiffs lacked standing.

Across Lake Michigan, Katie Fahey put together a grassroots effort to place a referendum on the ballot to establish a non-partisan redistricting commission. Fahey, a political novice, launched her campaign with a Facebook post asking others who thought gerrymandering unfair to join in doing something about it. The documentary takes us from the "kitchen table" drafting of the language of the initiative; to the approval of the ballot language by the Board of State Canvassers; to the statewide volunteer petition drive that netted 425,000 signatures; to an effort to block the initiative in court that failed when the Michigan Supreme Court voted 4-3 to allow it on the ballot, to the on-the-ground campaign that won a majority of 60 percent at the polls in November 2018.


My favorite scene is when a U-Haul truck pulls up outside the office of the Michigan secretary of state and volunteers line up to pass boxes full of petitions from hand to hand into the filing office. The grit and enthusiasm of this up-from-the-bottom effort is captured in Fahey's tears — first when she learns that the political parties went to court to challenge the ballot language, and later in the joy of her election night victory party.

The legal strategy begun in Wisconsin did not fare so well. Last year, the Supreme Court heard a second gerrymandering case, Rucho v. Common Cause. There, the court held that gerrymandering posed a political, not a legal question.

"Excessive partisanship in districting leads to results that reasonably seem unjust. But the fact that such gerrymandering is 'incompatible with democratic principles does not mean that the solution lies with the federal judiciary," Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the majority. Partisan gerrymandering claims present political questions beyond the reach of the federal courts. Federal judges have no license to reallocate political power between the two major political parties, with no plausible grant of authority in the Constitution, and no legal standards to limit and direct their decisions. '[J]udicial action must be governed by standard, by rule,' and must be 'principled, rational, and based upon reasoned distinctions' found in the Constitution or laws. Judicial review of partisan gerrymandering does not meet those basic requirements."

"Slay the Dragon" captures the difference in the two approaches to confronting the "dragon." The Michigan effort was non-partisan both in the outcome it sought — the non-partisan redistricting commission — and the character of the campaign whose slogan was "Voters not Politicians." The appeal was to fairness – let the voters decide, not the political professionals who seek to overdetermine outcomes by "packing" and "cracking" voters into districts that serve their partisan ends.

In Michigan and elsewhere, that meant blunting the strength of the opposition party by concentrating their voters in a few districts while spreading out the vote of the favored party so it could win more districts, albeit, by a narrower margin,

The question posed by the Fahey campaign was one of fairness and democracy (with a small "d") in contrast to asking the courts to redress the consequences of allowing the Republicans (or Democrats) to dominate state legislatures with the power to implement computer-generated gerrymandering that ensured they would continue their governmental control. One can understand why the disadvantaged party would want to undo the damage. I agree with Chief Justice Roberts that the federal courts do not have authority to do this for them.

That is the unstated but brilliantly portrayed message of "Slay the Dragon." This is one lesson to be learned from Fahey and her volunteer army.

Visit IVN.us for more coverage from Independent Voter News.


Read More

Voters lining up to vote.

Voters line up at the Oak Lawn Branch Library voting center on Primary Election Day in Dallas on March 3, 2026. Republicans' decision to hold a split primary from the Democrats and to eliminate countywide voting forced Dallas County voters to cast ballots at assigned neighborhood precincts, leading to confusion. Republicans have now decided to use countywide polling locations for the May 26 runoff election.

Shelby Tauber for The Texas Tribune

Dallas County GOP Will Agree To Use Countywide Voting Sites for May 26 Runoff Election

Dallas County Republicans will agree to allow voters to cast ballots at countywide voting sites for the May 26 runoff election after a switch to precinct-based voting sites caused chaos, the county party chair said Tuesday.

Dallas County Republican Chairman Allen West supported the use of precinct-based sites earlier this month, but said using precincts again for the runoff would expose the county party to “increased risk and voter confusion” because the county is planning to use countywide sites for upcoming municipal elections and early voting.

Keep ReadingShow less
A person signing a piece of paper with other people around them.

Javon Jackson, center, was able to register to vote following passage of a 2019 Nevada law that restored voting rights to formerly incarcerated individuals.

The Nation Is Missing Millions of Voters Due to Lack of Rights for Former Felons

If you gathered every American with a prison record into one contiguous territory and admitted it to the union, you would create the 12th-largest state. It would be home to at least 7 million to 8 million people and hold a dozen votes in the Electoral College.

In a close presidential race, this hypothetical state of the formerly incarcerated could decide who wins the White House.

Keep ReadingShow less
With the focus on the voting posters, the people in the background of the photo sign up to vote.

An analysis of Trump’s SAVE Act strategy, the voter ID debate, and how Pew data is being misused—exploring election integrity, voter suppression, and the political fight shaping U.S. democracy.

Getty Images, SDI Productions

Stop Fighting Voter ID. Start Defining It.

President Trump doesn't need the SAVE America Act to pass. He only needs the debate to continue. Every minute spent arguing about voter suppression repeats the underlying premise — that noncitizen voting is a real and widespread problem — until it feels like an established fact. The question is whether Democrats will contest Republicans’ definition before the frame hardens.

Trump's claim that 88% of Americans support the bill traces to a Pew Research Center survey — a survey that found 83% support a “government-issued photo ID to vote,” not extreme vetting for proof of citizenship. That support included 95% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats, indicating genuine, broad, bipartisan support for a basic civic principle. That's worth taking seriously.

Keep ReadingShow less
People standing at voting booths.

The proposed SAVE Act and MEGA Act would require proof of citizenship to register to vote, risking the disenfranchisement of millions of eligible Americans.

Getty Images, EvgeniyShkolenko

The SAVE Act is a Solution in Search of A Problem

The federal government seems to be barreling toward a federal election power grab. Trump's State of the Union address called for the Senate to push through the SAVE Act, which has already passed the House, in the name of so-called "election integrity." And the SAVE Act isn’t the only such bill. Like the SAVE Act, the Make Elections Great Again (MEGA) Act—introduced in the House—would require voters to provide a document outlined in the Act that allegedly proves their U.S. citizenship. We’ve been down this road before in Texas, and spoiler alert: it was unworkable.

Both the SAVE and MEGA Acts would disenfranchise millions of eligible U.S. citizens without making our federal elections more secure. They seek to roll out a faulty federal voter registration system, despite the existing separate registration and voting process for state and local elections. And these Acts target a minuscule “problem”—but would unleash mass voter purges and confusion.

Keep ReadingShow less