Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Biden's exit and the dysfunction of U.S. politics

Why more parties would help fix the system

President Joe Biden

President Joe Biden's departure from the presidential race could trigger a discussiona about the need for more political parties.

Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images

Pocasangre is a senior data analyst at New America. Strano is deputy director of the political reform program at New America.

In a historic turn of events, Democratic Party leaders made a show of strength by coming together to urge President Joe Biden to exit the race for the White House. The move gave us a rare glimpse of what a functioning political party can do. However, the messiness and late hour of the process left many wondering why it took so long to resolve, and how such an important decision ultimately hinged on the whims of a few individuals, particularly Biden himself.

The chaos that followed the debate between Biden and former President Donald Trump was emblematic of a broader trend of dysfunctional parties that is at the heart of voters’ dissatisfaction with the political system. America’s two major parties today are hollow and unrooted from society, serving as vehicles for influential individuals and interest groups to push their agendas rather than as forums for collective decision-making.


This has contributed to a range of ills, from extreme and inexperienced candidates infiltrating parties and winning office to incoherent policy programs to impossibly high barriers for minority candidates to the alienation of young people in general from the democratic process.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

These problems are not lost on voters. Majorities of Americans are frustrated with the major parties: 64 percent hold negative views of the Republican Party and 61 percent view the Democratic Party negatively. Reforms that purport to reduce political polarization by stripping parties out of the electoral process are gaining steam around the country. While these efforts may seem logical in a moment of toxic hyperpartisanship, most political scientists would recommend a different approach. Instead of weakening or ditching parties, we should channel our frustration into reforms that lead to more and better parties.

Indeed, political parties are fundamental to modern mass democracy. They provide voters with significant choices and enable political actors and ordinary citizens to organize for the collective action needed for effective governance. Anti-party reforms, like the nonpartisan top-two primary, have not lived up to their promise of promoting moderation, competition or civic trust, because they ignore the fact that parties are not the problem — having only two parties is.

Part of what makes parties stronger is having meaningful electoral competition. In the current polarized and sorted electoral landscape, Democratic and Republican candidates are too often too comfortable in safe districts, winning by virtue of not being a candidate of the other party. This means that, in many places, parties have no incentives to root themselves in communities, develop organizational infrastructure for campaigning, recruit and cultivate a pipeline of good candidates, or offer serious policy programs to earn votes.

As explained in reports on pro-party electoral reforms, systems that foster the emergence of more parties can infuse American elections with more competition and keep parties on their toes. If parties knew they faced a real chance of losing, they would not take votes for granted. Instead, they would put effort into understanding the concerns of voters and properly representing the views of their constituents.

One way to create incentives for more and healthier parties is through fusion voting. Fusion voting, in which different parties can cross-nominate the same candidate on their own ballot line, is one such reform. A new report from New America’s political reform program, the first to systematically survey the research on the impact of fusion voting on contemporary politics, explains how fusion voting creates incentives for the strengthening of minor parties. To survive electorally, a minor party must convince voters that it stands for something different enough from the main party to win support. And it has to make sure voters show up to the polls on Election Day and vote on their party line.

With fusion voting, minor parties are encouraged to do what healthy parties do in well-functioning democracies: invest in organizational and mobilizational infrastructure, develop a party brand, and propose coherent policy agendas. If minor parties use their organizing and voter engagement capacity to help elect major party candidates, they can parlay their votes into influencing the major parties by threatening to withhold endorsements in the future or threatening to spoil a race.

Fusion voting has allowed minor parties like the Working Families Party, New York's Liberal Party and Connecticut's Independent Party to exert significant influence by strategically endorsing major party candidates on their lines. The Liberal Party of New York, founded in 1944, wielded tremendous power for half a century by being able to threaten to spoil races for Democrats and helping Republicans win office in New York City by appealing to moderate voters.

Politics could look different if more states allowed fusion voting, as most once did in the 19th century. Rather than prioritizing individual candidates, fusion encourages minor party and coalition building around policy concerns that can work between elections. Some parties may emerge on the fringes and others may try to fill up the void in the center, like the United Kansas Party or the Moderate Party of New Jersey. Eventually, minor parties can demand deeper electoral reforms like proportional representation that can bring about a genuine multiparty democracy in the United States that would move the country away from the ailing two-party system.

Read More

One Lesson from the Elections: Looking At Universal Voting

A roll of "voted" stickers.

Pexels, Element5 Digital

One Lesson from the Elections: Looking At Universal Voting

The analysis and parsing of learned lessons from the 2024 elections will continue for a long time. What did the campaigns do right and wrong? What policies will emerge from the new arrangements of power? What do the parties need to do for the future?

An equally important question is what lessons are there for our democratic structures and processes. One positive lesson is that voting itself was almost universally smooth and effective; we should applaud the election officials who made that happen. But, many elements of the 2024 elections are deeply challenging, from the increasingly outsized role of billionaires in the process to the onslaught of misinformation and disinformation.

Keep ReadingShow less
MERGER: The Organization that Brought Ranked Choice Voting and Ended SuperPACs in Maine Joins California’s Nonpartisan Primary Pioneers

A check mark and hands.

Photo by Allison Saeng on Unsplash. Unsplash+ License obtained by the author.

MERGER: The Organization that Brought Ranked Choice Voting and Ended SuperPACs in Maine Joins California’s Nonpartisan Primary Pioneers

Originally published by Independent Voter News.

Today, I am proud to share an exciting milestone in my journey as an advocate for democracy and electoral reform.

Keep ReadingShow less
Half-Baked Alaska

A photo of multiple checked boxes.

Getty Images / Thanakorn Lappattaranan

Half-Baked Alaska

This past year’s elections saw a number of state ballot initiatives of great national interest, which proposed the adoption of two “unusual” election systems for state and federal offices. Pairing open nonpartisan primaries with a general election using ranked choice voting, these reforms were rejected by the citizens of Colorado, Idaho, and Nevada. The citizens of Alaska, however, who were the first to adopt this dual system in 2020, narrowly confirmed their choice after an attempt to repeal it in November.

Ranked choice voting, used in Alaska’s general elections, allows voters to rank their candidate choices on their ballot and then has multiple rounds of voting until one candidate emerges with a majority of the final vote and is declared the winner. This more representative result is guaranteed because in each round the weakest candidate is dropped, and the votes of that candidate’s supporters automatically transfer to their next highest choice. Alaska thereby became the second state after Maine to use ranked choice voting for its state and federal elections, and both have had great success in their use.

Keep ReadingShow less
Top-Two Primaries Under the Microscope

The United States Supreme Court.

Getty Images / Rudy Sulgan

Top-Two Primaries Under the Microscope

Fourteen years ago, after the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional the popular blanket primary system, Californians voted to replace the deeply unpopular closed primary that replaced it with a top-two system. Since then, Democratic Party insiders, Republican Party insiders, minor political parties, and many national reform and good government groups, have tried (and failed) to deep-six the system because the public overwhelmingly supports it (over 60% every year it’s polled).

Now, three minor political parties, who opposed the reform from the start and have unsuccessfully sued previously, are once again trying to overturn it. The Peace and Freedom Party, the Green Party, and the Libertarian Party have teamed up to file a complaint in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. Their brief repeats the same argument that the courts have previously rejected—that the top-two system discriminates against parties and deprives voters of choice by not guaranteeing every party a place on the November ballot.

Keep ReadingShow less