Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Dominant force in campaign giving, Steyer vows presidential run to take on big money

Tom Steyer

Steyer is the latest Democrat to enter the presidential race.

Sean Rayford/Getty Images

When liberal billionaire Tom Steyer announced his entry into the presidential race on Tuesday, his central vow was to take on the big-money influences that have infiltrated American politics. But his own extraordinary level of political spending has made him a big-money influence in his own right — and signals he's positioned to become the biggest self-funder in Democratic presidential history.

In the six years he's been active in national politics, Steyer has spent $240 million to promote candidates — almost all of them committed to an activist role in combatting climate change or the impeachment of President Trump.

And he's done so through the very system that's a prime target of criticism among advocates for revamping the campaign finance system. He has funneled almost all the money through two super PACs he created, NextGen Climate Action and Need to Impeach, which in turn have spent lavishly on television advertising in support of the Democratic candidates he likes and opposing the Republicans he doesn't. Steyer was the face of many of the TV spots.


The world of super PACs and their unlimited and minimally regulated spending was created as an outgrowth of the Supreme Court's Citizens United ruling, which is reviled for unleashing unfettered corporate spending on campaigns but expanded as well the influence of corporate financiers, like Steyer. Almost all the leading Democratic candidates for president say that 2010 decision should be reversed — or at least neutralized as much as constitutionally permissible through legislation.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

Steyer lambasted that ruling in his announcement video. But whether he will be seen by the party's electorate as an imperfect vessel for a populist campaign finance message, which has become an article of faith in Democratic campaigns, will be a central question about his campaign's viability.

"What people believe is that the system has left them," Steyer said in announcing his candidacy. "That the politicians don't care about or respect them. Don't put them first, are not working for them, but are actually working for the people who have rigged the system."

Based on his spending history, however, Steyer is likely to continue using his wealth to influence politics — this time to benefit his own campaign. Steyer's announcement is a reversal of his previous declaration, in January, that he would not run for president.

Steyer intends to spend at least $100 million on this race, his campaign spokesman told The New York Times. This would put the 62-year-old former hedge fund investor and philanthropist in the No. 3 spot among the most generous self-funders in the history of U.S. presidential elections, far outpacing other Democrats.

If he ends up spending $100 million, Steyer's out-of-pocket expenses would far surpass the combined fundraising hauls in the past three months of the Democrats who have raised the most: Joe Biden, Pete Buttigieg, Elizabeth Warren, Bernie Sanders and Kamala Harris. And his personal spending would be almost half what Hillary Clinton raised from donors big and small across the country to win the nomination four years ago — an outsized sum compared to most campaigns.

Texas billionaire Ross Perot — who, coincidentally, died on Tuesday — holds the title as the biggest self-funder, when adjusting for inflation. In 1992 and 1996, Perot, who ran as an Independent, spent more than $129 million combined on his presidential campaigns. Republican Steve Forbes burned through roughly $118 million combined, in current dollars, in his 1996 and 2000 campaigns.

While Perot lost twice in November and Forbes never made it far in his quests for the GOP nomination, Donald Trump found success when he used his own money to win the presidency. In 2016, he spent just over $70 million on his campaign.

In his campaign video, Steyer underlined his mission, if elected president, to stop corporations from influencing the U.S. political system. While he is not a corporation, Steyer has used his money to put weight behind certain Democratic candidates.

In both 2014 and 2016, Steyer was the top individual contributor to federal parties, candidates and outside spending groups, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonpartisan campaign finance watchdog. By giving $166 million, beating out other top contributors, Democrat Michael Bloomberg and Republican Sheldon Adelson. In 2018, Steyer dropped to the No. 3 spot with total donations of almost $74 million.

Steyer has given some money to individual campaigns, but Federal Election Commission regulations limit how much one person can contribute. Super PACs, however, can spend unlimited amounts of money advocating for or against candidates, which is how Steyer has allocated the overwhelming majority of his political spending.

In the 2018 midterm campaign, Steyer's super PAC NextGen Climate Action spent just over $4 million supporting and opposing candidates — and in 72 percent of the contests where the PAC took sides, the candidate Steyer preferred was the winner.

Read More

One Lesson from the Elections: Looking At Universal Voting

A roll of "voted" stickers.

Pexels, Element5 Digital

One Lesson from the Elections: Looking At Universal Voting

The analysis and parsing of learned lessons from the 2024 elections will continue for a long time. What did the campaigns do right and wrong? What policies will emerge from the new arrangements of power? What do the parties need to do for the future?

An equally important question is what lessons are there for our democratic structures and processes. One positive lesson is that voting itself was almost universally smooth and effective; we should applaud the election officials who made that happen. But, many elements of the 2024 elections are deeply challenging, from the increasingly outsized role of billionaires in the process to the onslaught of misinformation and disinformation.

Keep ReadingShow less
MERGER: The Organization that Brought Ranked Choice Voting and Ended SuperPACs in Maine Joins California’s Nonpartisan Primary Pioneers

A check mark and hands.

Photo by Allison Saeng on Unsplash. Unsplash+ License obtained by the author.

MERGER: The Organization that Brought Ranked Choice Voting and Ended SuperPACs in Maine Joins California’s Nonpartisan Primary Pioneers

Originally published by Independent Voter News.

Today, I am proud to share an exciting milestone in my journey as an advocate for democracy and electoral reform.

Keep ReadingShow less
Half-Baked Alaska

A photo of multiple checked boxes.

Getty Images / Thanakorn Lappattaranan

Half-Baked Alaska

This past year’s elections saw a number of state ballot initiatives of great national interest, which proposed the adoption of two “unusual” election systems for state and federal offices. Pairing open nonpartisan primaries with a general election using ranked choice voting, these reforms were rejected by the citizens of Colorado, Idaho, and Nevada. The citizens of Alaska, however, who were the first to adopt this dual system in 2020, narrowly confirmed their choice after an attempt to repeal it in November.

Ranked choice voting, used in Alaska’s general elections, allows voters to rank their candidate choices on their ballot and then has multiple rounds of voting until one candidate emerges with a majority of the final vote and is declared the winner. This more representative result is guaranteed because in each round the weakest candidate is dropped, and the votes of that candidate’s supporters automatically transfer to their next highest choice. Alaska thereby became the second state after Maine to use ranked choice voting for its state and federal elections, and both have had great success in their use.

Keep ReadingShow less
Top-Two Primaries Under the Microscope

The United States Supreme Court.

Getty Images / Rudy Sulgan

Top-Two Primaries Under the Microscope

Fourteen years ago, after the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional the popular blanket primary system, Californians voted to replace the deeply unpopular closed primary that replaced it with a top-two system. Since then, Democratic Party insiders, Republican Party insiders, minor political parties, and many national reform and good government groups, have tried (and failed) to deep-six the system because the public overwhelmingly supports it (over 60% every year it’s polled).

Now, three minor political parties, who opposed the reform from the start and have unsuccessfully sued previously, are once again trying to overturn it. The Peace and Freedom Party, the Green Party, and the Libertarian Party have teamed up to file a complaint in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. Their brief repeats the same argument that the courts have previously rejected—that the top-two system discriminates against parties and deprives voters of choice by not guaranteeing every party a place on the November ballot.

Keep ReadingShow less