Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Project 2025: How the White House Plans to Gain Control Over U.S. Elections

Executive order aims to strip the independence of the federal agencies that oversee elections and media regulation.

Opinion

Project 2025: How the White House Plans to Gain Control Over U.S. Elections
Getty Images, SDI Productions

Last spring and summer, The Fulcrum published a 30-part series on Project 2025. Now that Donald Trump’s second term The Fulcrum has started Part 2 of the series has commenced.

The Trump administration issued an executive order in mid-February in an attempt to rein in the independence of nearly 20 federal agencies. This action could result in a number of negative impacts, including undermining the integrity and security of the presidential and other federal elections. That’s because two of the targeted agencies are the Federal Elections Commission and the Federal Communications Commission.


The Federal Communications Commission (FCC), founded in 1934, is the nation’s primary regulator of television, radio, digital media, cell phones and cable. The Federal Elections Commission (FEC), founded in 1974, oversees federal elections and enforces campaign finance laws. Both of these bodies were established by the U.S. Congress to act as neutral bodies, flying above the political fray to watchdog their assigned areas of politics in a fair and nonpartisan manner.

There is no hiding the fact that the executive order's intent is to remove the independence of those congressionally-mandated agencies. The wording is clear:

"Therefore, in order to improve the administration of the executive branch and to increase regulatory officials’ accountability to the American people...all executive departments and agencies, including so-called independent agencies, shall submit for review all proposed and final significant regulatory actions to the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) within the Executive Office of the President before publication in the Federal Register."

The independence of these 19 federal agencies has been established by federal law, upheld by numerous court rulings and by the policy practices of past presidents. So, why would Donald Trump, Elon Musk and their administrative team suddenly act to remove the independence of those particular bodies?

Their stated reason is to bring “accountability” to these various agencies. But given the chaos they have created in other government agencies, it is doubly alarming that the White House seems dead set on establishing presidential control—and nudging in a more partisan direction—on the two agencies that oversee the administration of America’s most important elections.

Most alarmingly, Russell Vought, one of the architects of Project 2025, was named by President Trump as head of the White House’s Office of Management and Budget, which is overseeing much of the downsizing of these federal agencies. In an interview with far-right broadcaster Tucker Carlson, Vought articulated the administration’s mission, based on its highly questionable legal theories.

“There are no independent agencies,” said Vought. “Congress may have viewed them as such… but that is not something that the Constitution understands. There may be different strategies with each one of them about how you dismantle them. But as an administration, the whole notion of an independent agency should be thrown out.”

The goal of bringing independent agencies under White House control is laid out in Project 2025, the conservative Heritage Foundation's blueprint for the Trump administration. Project 2025 references a 1935 Supreme Court decision, Humphrey's Executor v. US, in which the court decided that a president cannot fire the head of an independent agency. However, Project 2025 took exception to that SCOTUS decision, arguing it violates the separation of powers between the executive and legislative branches.

Since his election, and in the past, President Trump has accused many well-known media outlets of being biased and treating him unfairly. He has explicitly threatened to yank the broadcasting licenses of the major television networks. He also launched numerous lawsuits against major media companies and in his first term repeatedly sought to defund public broadcasting. These actions show the president’s reservoir of vindictive intent to launch an assault on the freedom of the press. Having a FCC that does the president’s bidding is essential for these goals.

Reining in the FCC

So, who did President Trump appoint as the chairman of the FCC in January 2025? None other than Brendan Carr, who authored the chapter in Project 2025 on the FCC. Under Carr’s leadership, the FCC has already launched an investigation into CBS for alleged bias against Trump during the 2024 campaign. He has revived other investigations into claims of bias against NBC and ABC, which Democratic chairwoman Jessica Rosenworcel had dismissed the previous week before she was fired by President Trump.

Carr also has launched investigations into PBS and NPR, suggesting that Congress should stop public funding for these outlets. And on February 11, he opened an investigation into Comcast and NBCUniversal. These amount to chilling attacks on mainstream and legacy media outlets, all of which President Trump disfavors. The only broadcaster not under attack by the FCC is the Trump-positive Fox News.

Carr also has indicated his plans to stack the FCC with new board members in favor of the president’s agenda. On most commissions and boards, it is common for a president to install his own appointments, but the FCC was established to have a more partisan balance. It has five commissioners appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate, which by tradition are divided politically between the two major parties with the president's party holding the majority. But in Project 2025, Carr emphasized that there is no legal requirement—only convention—that the president defer to the minority party when selecting, for example, a commissioner from the Democratic Party.

This adds important context to understanding recent events, such as the Trump administration's exiling of the Associated Press from White House events because of its refusal to use the preferred Trump name “Gulf of America” for the “Gulf of Mexico.” This was followed by the White House seizing control of the news press pool that covers the president in the Oval Office, aboard Air Force One and in other meetings and events, breaking with a long-standing practice that allowed an independent journalist group to determine media participants in the presidential press pool.

All of these actions seem clearly designed for one focused goal—to give the Trump administration unprecedented power to exile media outlets that it views as not being subservient enough, and to shape the country’s news reporting, broadcast, internet and social media landscapes, and by extension, their ability to shape public opinion.

Reining in the elections commission

The White House has been following a similar playbook in its efforts to bring the Federal Elections Commission (FEC) under its thumb. Historically, the FEC is a bipartisan, six-member body (mandated as three Democrats and three Republicans), nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate, that establishes the ground rules for how elections are run and financed.

In late January, President Trump sent a letter to Ellen Weintraub, the Democratic chair of the FEC, informing her that she had been fired. The firing broke a 3-3 GOP/Democratic tie on the commission, marking the first time that a president had removed an FEC commissioner from the opposing party and not nominated in their place a candidate selected by that party’s congressional leadership.

This attempted firing came at a time when the FEC is expected to consider complaints against Trump's 2024 campaign, as well as complaints against the president's top donor, Elon Musk, who spent $250 million to elect Donald Trump and is playing a key role in this far-reaching reorganization of these important federal agencies.

Not surprisingly, the efforts of the Trump administration to establish control over these two particular commissions, which together have vast powers to shape the country’s election and media landscapes, are raising alarm bells. The White House appears to be ignoring the longstanding restraints that are supposed to keep the governing political party from abusing its control over the federal government to stack the deck and unfairly cement its dominance.

Steven Hill was policy director for the Center for Humane Technology, co-founder of FairVote, and political reform director at New America. You can reach him on X @StevenHill1776.


Read More

Close up of a person on their phone at night.

From “Patriot Games” to The Hunger Games, how spectacle, social media, and political culture risk normalizing violence and eroding empathy.

Getty Images, Westend61

The Capitol Is Counting on Us to Laugh

When the Trump administration announced the Patriot Games, many people laughed. Selecting two children per state for a nationally televised sports competition looked too much like Suzanne Collins’ Hunger Games to take seriously. But that instinct, to laugh rather than look closer, is one the Capitol is counting on. It has always been easier to normalize violence when it arrives dressed as entertainment or patriotism.

Here’s what I mean: The Hunger Games starts with the reaping, the moment when a Capitol official selects two children, one boy and one girl, to fight to the death against tributes from every other district. The games were created as an annual reminder of a failed rebellion, to remind the districts that dissent has consequences. At first, many Capitol residents saw the games as a just punishment. But sentiments shifted as the spectacle grew—when citizens could bet on winners, when a death march transformed into a beauty pageant, when murder became a pathway to celebrity.

Keep ReadingShow less
Technology and Presidential Election

Anthropic’s Mythos AI raises alarms about surveillance, deepfakes, and democracy. Why urgent AI regulation is needed as U.S. policy struggles to keep pace.

Getty Images, Douglas Rissing

How the Latest in AI Threatens Democracy

On April 24, America got a wake-up call from Anthropic, one of the nation’s leading artificial intelligence companies. It announced a new AI tool, called Mythos, that can identify flaws in computer networks and software systems that, as Politico puts it, “Even the brightest human minds have been unable to identify.”

A machine smarter than the “brightest human minds” sounds like a line from a dystopian science fiction movie. And if that weren’t scary enough, we now have a government populated by people who seem oblivious to the risks AI poses to democracy and humanity itself.

Keep ReadingShow less
Who’s Responsible When AI Causes Harm?: Unpacking the Federal AI Liability Framework Debate
the letters are made up of different colors

Who’s Responsible When AI Causes Harm?: Unpacking the Federal AI Liability Framework Debate

This nonpartisan policy brief, written by an ACE fellow, is republished by The Fulcrum as part of our partnership with the Alliance for Civic Engagement and our NextGen initiative — elevating student voices, strengthening civic education, and helping readers better understand democracy and public policy.

Key takeaways

  • The U.S. has no national AI liability law. Instead, a patchwork of state laws has emerged which has resulted in legal protections being dependent on where an individual resides.
  • It’s often unclear who is legally responsible when AI causes harm. This gap leaves many people with no clear path to seek help.
  • In March 2026, the White House and Congress introduced major proposals to establish a federal standard, but there is significant disagreement about whether that standard should prioritize protecting innovation or protecting people harmed by AI systems.

Background: A Patchwork of State Laws

Without a national AI law, states have been filling in the gaps on their own. The result is an uneven landscape where a person’s legal protections depend entirely on which state they live in.

Keep ReadingShow less
Teenager admiring electronic hobby robot.

Explore how China is overtaking the U.S. in the global innovation race, from electric vehicles to advanced research, and why America’s fragmented science policy, talent loss, and weak industrial strategy threaten its technological leadership.

Getty Images, Willie B. Thomas

America’s Greatest Geopolitical Blind Spot

The global hierarchy of innovation is undergoing a structural shift that Washington is dangerously slow to acknowledge. For decades, the prevailing narrative in the United States was that China was merely the "world’s factory"—a nation capable of mass-producing Western designs but inherently lacking the creative spark to invent its own. This assumption has been shattered. Today, Beijing is no longer playing catch-up; in sectors ranging from electric vehicles and next-generation nuclear power to hypersonic missiles, China is setting the pace.

The central challenge is that China has mastered the entire innovation ecosystem, while the United States has allowed its own to fracture. Innovation is not just about a "eureka" moment in a laboratory; it is a relay race that begins with basic scientific research, moves through the training of specialized talent, and ends with the large-scale commercialization of "hard tech." China is currently winning every leg of that race.

Keep ReadingShow less