Michael Beckel, Mia Minkin, and Ariana Rojas are part of the research department at Issue One, the leading crosspartisan political reform group in Washington, D.C., uniting Republicans, Democrats, and independents in the movement to fix our broken political system and build an inclusive democracy that works for everyone.
Editor’s note: Roughly 10,000 officials across the country run U.S. elections. This interview is part of a series published each month that highlights the election heroes and heroines who are the faces of democracy.
Republican Carly Koppes is the clerk and recorder in Weld County, Colorado, a sprawling, 4,000 square mile, largely agricultural county in the northeastern part of the state.
A former rodeo queen with a second degree black belt in American Kenpo karate, Koppes has been working in the clerk and recorder’s office for roughly 19 years — since June 2004. She started in the office ahead of the 2004 election as a temporary worker, as a favor to her grandmother, a Democrat who once worked on John F. Kennedy’s presidential campaign and volunteered as an election judge well into her 70s.
When Koppes was elected as clerk and recorder in 2014, she earned the distinction of being the youngest person ever elected as Weld County’s clerk and recorder. Koppes has worked more than 30 elections.
Born and raised in Greeley, Colorado, Koppes currently owns five horses, and enjoys fishing, gardening, and crafts. She is a past president of the Colorado County Clerks Association, and she currently serves on the Local Leadership Council of the U.S. Election Assistance Commission. Since 2022, she has been part of Issue One’s Faces of Democracy project advocating for protections for election workers and for regular, predictable, and sufficient federal funding of elections.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Issue One: How did you end up in this profession?
Carly Koppes: Completely by accident is how I ended up in this profession! I was graduating high school in May of 2004, and the clerk and recorder prior to me had asked my grandmother if any of her grandkids needed a job, because he was needing temporary help for the presidential election in 2004. My grandmother called me up. I came in and interviewed, and I became a temporary employee for the presidential election. And 19 years later, here I am.
Issue One: How many voters are on the rolls in your jurisdiction, and what are the main challenges of a jurisdiction of that size?
Carly Koppes: We are a little over 220,000 registered voters here in Weld County. Not only is it a challenge with that many, but I am also a little over 4,000 square miles.
One of the biggest challenges is communication. The ability to communicate to one section of Weld County can be easy because it is urban. But trying to have that same communication to a rural area is super challenging.
Issue One: If you could speak to one common misconception about election administration, what would you want to clear up?
Carly Koppes: There isn’t any type of Wizard of Oz-ery going on. I understand the gravity and responsibility of running elections. I understand that the ballot is everybody’s greatest equalizer, not only in my county and state, but the nation. The ballot doesn’t know if you’ve got two cents in the bank or two million dollars in the bank. Both of those ballots are exactly equal in the eyes of what we do.
The people like myself in election offices, we understand the responsibility that it is on our shoulders. We have a living, breathing government in the United States, which is fantastic. We are the gatekeepers to that living and breathing government. It would be really nice for people to remember that I’m human just like they are human. I’m a real person too.
Issue One: What is the price tag of running an election in Weld County?
Carly Koppes: It depends on the election. For this upcoming, coordinated November election, we are probably looking at between $500,000 and $700,000 for everything that we need to do. That’s including election judges [as poll workers in Colorado are known], printing costs, equipment maintenance, and all that kind of stuff.
Next year, we have three elections we need to run here in Colorado. We’ve got the presidential primary, then the June primary, and then the November general election. We’re probably going to be looking at about $1.5 million to $1.7 million solely for the general election. And the two others combined will probably be around $1 million.
Issue One: A lot of people are surprised to learn that the federal government doesn’t routinely fund election administration. Why do you think the federal government should regularly fund elections?
Carly Koppes: They should pay some of the burdens of this because we are running their elections for them. We are running the U.S. House of Representative elections. We are running the U.S. Senate elections. We are running the presidential elections.
Issue One: If your jurisdiction had extra funding, how would you spend it?
Carly Koppes: Advancing audits of results and transparency, and being able to adequately pay these amazing poll workers that we call election judges, and being able to adequately support and pay my year-round election team.
Issue One: A lot of jurisdictions have limited funding for elections. What tips or tricks of the trade have you utilized to get the most bang for the buck in your area?
Carly Koppes: Budget, budget, budget. And pilot anything and everything you possibly can. That has been the best way for us to make advancements and really try and utilize each dollar to the best of our buck.
Issue One: What practices have you employed to help you run elections efficiently?
Carly Koppes: We are always just looking for ways that we can be efficient but still keep our security and transparency up. We have implemented different technologies to try and assist with that. For instance, Weld County invested in automatic signature verification technology to help us with the signature verification part of our process. And one of the other biggest things that helps us be efficient is when we have our volunteers return election after election after election, because they are just continuing to build on their knowledge.
Issue One: What kinds of gaps or challenges exist in places that might be struggling to be more efficient?
Carly Koppes: When we see a county struggle, it’s because they don’t have the funding, and they also just don’t have the volunteers. They don’t have the amount of election judges that they need to be as quick with what they are needing to do in the timeframe that they have. It really does come down to that.
Issue One: Is there anything else you’d like to say about why it’s important for elections to receive more regular and consistent federal funding?
Carly Koppes: The last thing that we want is for us to become vulnerable at any point in time, especially since elections have been designated critical infrastructure at the federal level. We have seen what the mis-, dis-, and mal-information campaigns have done to our credibility. More funding right now would be so important because we need to focus on getting the correct information out there and battle these people who have larger microphones than I do. Unfortunately, nobody really knows who Carly Koppes is, but everyone knows who [My Pillow CEO and election denier] Mike Lindell is.
Issue One: What is your favorite book or movie about politics?
Carly Koppes: I really wish there was actually a book written about my grandmother. She was one of the only female people who was on John F. Kennedy’s presidential campaign. She ran his campaign on the Western Slope in Colorado.
Issue One: Outside of being passionate about running safe and secure elections, what are your hobbies, or what’s a fun fact that most people might not know about you?
Carly Koppes: I’ve been on the back of a horse since the time I could sit up. I have done all sorts of dialects — English riding, Western riding, rodeoing. That’s one thing that I absolutely love. I still have five horses, and I’ve got two under two. That’s been super fun. They crack me up every single day.
And then another random thing that people don’t usually know about me is that I actually am a second degree black belt in American Kenpo karate. I’ve been studying karate since I was three years old.
Issue One: I hope you’ve never had to use karate on the job.
Carly Koppes: I have not had to use karate on the job, thank goodness. Even when I had people pounding on the door, I didn’t have to, so we’re good.


















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.