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Claim: Pompeo’s convention speech violated federal law. Fact check: True

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's full speech at the Republican National Convention

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo speech's on Tuesday at the Republican National Convention was unprecedented. No prior sitting secretary of state had given a speech at a party convention. Diplomats and federal employees have typically stayed away from partisan activity and there are rules in place that prevent federal employees from being involved in partisan politics. The Hatch Act, passed in 1939, prohibits all federal employees — except the president and vice president — from engaging in various partisan political activities. For example, the law states that federal employees cannot"use their official authority or influence to interfere with or affect the result of an election." Pompeo did not refer to himself as secretary of state in the video, but he did record the video during an official visit to Israel.

Since Pompeo is part of the National Security Council, he is subject to further restrictions. Such federal employees who have more restrictions cannot "take an active part in partisan political campaigns, by, for example: Campaigning for or against a candidate or slate of candidates. Making campaign speeches or engaging in other campaign activities to elect partisan candidates." Pompeo violated both of these restrictions.


Additionally, a State Department memo on Hatch Act restrictions from December 2019, specifically states, "Senate confirmed Presidential appointees may not even attend a political party convention or convention-related event." Pompeo was confirmed by the Senate as secretary of state in 2018.


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America’s aging Congress has no maximum age limit. Could a constitutional amendment create age limits for lawmakers and better represent younger voters?

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Senator Dianne Feinstein's visible decline in her final years in office. Senator Lindsey Graham's sudden death. Senator Mitch McConnell's own recent hospitalization, and his halting explanation of it afterward. Three senators, three separate incidents, no obvious connection between them, except that the saga of these three senators is really one story about the problem of not knowing when to step down. That framing asks the right question of individual leaders. But it assumes the problem is a matter of personal judgment, each senator, in his or her own time, finding the wisdom to recognize the moment has passed. I think that gets the American version of this problem backwards. Congress's age problem is not a string of individual judgment calls. It is a structural feature of the Constitution itself, and it is quietly reshaping who gets represented in American government.

The Constitution sets a floor for federal office and no ceiling. A representative must be at least twenty-five. A senator must be at least thirty. A president must be at least thirty-five. Nothing in the document says how old is too old. Combine that asymmetry with the enormous advantages of incumbency, better name recognition, fundraising networks, committee seniority, and the result is predictable: a Congress that can start young but can never age out. It can only age up. The 119th Congress is now the third oldest in American history, with an average member age of nearly fifty-nine and a Senate averaging in the mid-sixties. This is not a temporary blip. It is the natural output of a system with a gate on one end and no gate on the other.

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