Radwell is the author of “ American Schism: How the Two Enlightenments Hold the Secret to Healing Our Nation ” and serves on the Business Council at Business for America. This is the fourth entry in a 10-part series on the American schism.
Last week I wrote about the misguided approach of the “woke” movement. This week, I want to focus on another major component of the American schism in 2024: the tyranny of the minority.
One of the most important aspects of our constitutional framework bequeathed by our founders was the concept of minority protections. As they gathered at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, the founders were very cognizant of the abysmal track record of various social contracts over the course of recorded history with respect to protecting the rights of minority groups, be they religious, ethnic or other.
In France alone, persecutions of Cathars in medieval times, and then Huguenots and Jews in more recent centuries were quite commonplace. Additionally, many of the earliest colonial settlers in the United States were Puritans seeking a safe haven outside of Britain for what were often minority beliefs and practices. Thus, ensuring the basic inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness was a foundational part of the American creed and its constitutional blueprint.
Of course, the idea of protecting minority rights as envisioned by the founders was far from complete. On one hand, they were sagacious in understanding that when majority opinion rules the day, a just social contract needs to protect the rights of not some but all of its citizens. On the other hand, that these same founders did not extend this concept to slaves brought to the continent from Africa or Native Americans remains one of the greatest enigmatic paradoxes of the modern era.
So how exactly did the founders delineate these minority rights in our Constitution? In a holistic sense, the federalist structure of the union itself ensured that no central power nor individual state or group of states could have majority control of each sovereign state territory. But even more specifically, the Bill of Rights is perhaps the clearest embodiment of minority protections, directly intended to shield the minority from oppression by the majority. While the Bill of Rights guaranteeing free speech, freedom of religion and freedom of petition applies to all U.S. citizens, its protections have been applied to minority groups sometimes grudgingly over the course of the centuries.
However, we must not confuse the concept of protecting minority rights and viewpoints with an entirely different set of consequences from the use of these structural safeguards. Specifically, if the minority avails itself of these vehicles to routinely block legal measures or advancements put forth by the majority, one could characterize such as a misuse of said protections.
According to Daniel Ziblatt and Steven Levitsky, in their book "Tyranny of the Minority,” this is precisely the situation we find ourselves in today. The U.S. Constitution is the oldest written constitution in the world and has infrequently been amended (compared to our democratic peers). The authors explain how reactionary forces in the Republican Party today use outdated political institutions to systematically obstruct or even overrule majorities. Further, the authors call for constitutional reform to protect American democracy from further erosion.
As Katherine Gehl and Michael Porter discuss in "The Politics Industry,” these developments also stifle innovation in the political realm and solidify veto power for a minority to impede the majority will. These minority protections take different forms. Some are based on structural constitutional elements like the Electoral College and the Senate itself; others are maintained by arcane rules like the filibuster In the Senate, and common practices like gerrymandering districts at both the federal and state levels.
A peculiar and perplexing consequence of this mishmash of structures and practices has protected the Republican Party and allowed it to move ever further to the right – even though, with one exception, it has failed to win a majority of the popular vote in any of the last eight presidential elections.
To preserve democracy, political reforms are urgently needed to reconcile the need for majority rule with the need to defend minorities rights, as well as a citizens' movement to put enough pressure on politicians to act. Today, an expansive group of nonprofit organizations are working diligently to target and correct the misuse of many of these rules and practices. Much of this work, such as the drives for open primaries and nonpartisan redistricting occur at the state and local level.
However, some of these barriers are constitutional and will require more systemic change. While it certainly appears that today’s hyper-polarized environment is not conducive to constitutional amendments, it is vital to remember that the drafters of the Constitution did not believe that any framework could be set in stone. On the contrary, they made the malleable and expected revisions to occur in every generation.




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.