Long is a senior strategic communications consultant with public, private, and not-for-profit experience. She holds a doctorate in Political Science and a Master of Public Health.
“Drain the swamp” was not only one of Trump’s pet phrases his rally-goers chanted at “ near rock-concern level decibels,” but also a tool he used to portray career bureaucrats as deep state legitimizing his attempt to reshape the civil service to suit his political interests. Although the Trump administration ended in 2021, both this deep state accusation and attempt to reshape the service remain active issues yet to be fully addressed despite extensive criticism.
“Drain the swamp” laid the groundwork for the Trump administration’s Executive Order 13957, named “Creating Schedule F in the Excepted Service” and referred to as Schedule F. The Schedule F Order introduced one of the most sweeping civil service changes since the 1883 Pendleton Act established the government’s merit-based system. James Sherk, a White House policy advisor central to the Order’s drafting, explained this directive as essential for controlling “entrenched poor performers” and “ideological activists” in the federal bureaucracy undermining the administration’s will. Controlling them meant recategorizing many career civil service positions in a new category, labeled Schedule F, without many merit-based employment protections. Positions to be recategorized as Schedule F were those that handle “ confidential, policy-determining, policy-making, or policy-advocating ” tasks – essentially, positions with critical responsibilities such as directing how the bureaucracy applies legislation, overseeing government agencies’ attorneys, or managing government agencies’ collective bargaining negotiations.
No agency had time to fully implement the Schedule F Order before the Biden administration revoked it on January 22, 2021, just three months after it was signed into force. But this does not mean that the Schedule F Order or the rhetoric supporting it are dead. A potential second Trump administration looms on the horizon, Congressional Republicans advocate stripping bureaucratic positions or funding, and Supreme Court decisions increasingly weigh-in on the extent of bureaucratic power.
The expert and media criticism that began immediately after the Order’s 2020 signature also live on, having revived several times. The first was in 2022, when Trump, along with other potential Republican presidential candidates, floated its return. The second was in 2023, when Biden proposed a rule attempting to Schedule F-proof the federal civil service in case of a Republican 2024 presidential win.
Each wave of criticism has generally focused on two issues: the Trump administration’s use of the Schedule F Order to achieve specific self-interests and the damage to government the Order would cause.
Criticism will and should continue with Schedule F Order lurking in the background. Going forward, however, attention must shift from criticism to proactive recommendations for dealing with the Order’s possible revival. Because the civil service sits dead center in the Schedule F debate, one of the first recommendations should be an assessment of who actually makes up today’s federal civil service.
Assessing this “who really is the civil service” question is not the same as giving credibility to the deep state accusation that the Trump administration used to legitimize the Schedule F Order. In fact, the Trump administration was not wrong to suggest that there are problems with the career civil service. It was wrong, however, in terms of the civil service problems it identified (the deep state).
Taking a hard look at who makes up the federal bureaucracy’s career civil service is critical for two equally important reasons.
First, the deep state is an extremely serious accusation. Although Trump often uses charged language, such a damaging accusation from such a high-level source cannot be left to simmer in the American psyche, complicating the already mixed sense of trust in the bureaucracy.
Second, the deep state accusation legitimized the Schedule F Executive Order that essentially removed merit-based employment processes for many important civil service positions. Challenging any revival of the Schedule F Order therefore requires refuting the deep state accusation.
Even though little to no evidence was given by the Trump administration to support the deep state accusation, clear evidence is still needed to refute it. The Trump administration quietly drafted and signed the Schedule F Order. In follow-up interviews, administration members primarily referred to limited pre-existing research and rhetoric. The administration did not follow examples set by previous administrations of how to publicly collect evidence and debate civil service reforms. Such examples include Reagan’s use of the specialized Grace Commission that publicly conducted government efficiency reviews and the Carter administration’s use of the legislative process for what became the 1978 Civil Service Reform Act.
Evidence refuting a deep state involves a comparison. Specifically, it involves transparently defining what qualifies as deep state behavior undermining the American government versus what qualifies as bureaucratic behavior necessary for the government to properly function. An assessment needs to show – with evidence – that the civil service did not demonstrate deep state behavior but instead behavior of a bureaucracy appropriately responding to the given contexts. Appropriate behavior means keeping the public good in mind while abiding by American laws and procedures.
Refuting the deep state accusation is not enough. Any assessment of the civil service also needs to identify the actual problems confronting the career civil service. There are several significant civil service problems that have already been flagged, especially the imbalance of new recruits to near-retirees and critical staffing shortages (think missing weapon systems experts or toxic hazard specialists). These problems are related to challenges such as more attractive private sector packages, unending Congressional threats of slashed positions or salaries, a damaged bureaucratic brand, and increasing acts of violence against civil servants. Unfortunately rhetoric related to deep state accusations and “drain the swamp” add to these challenges, especially those related to the bureaucracy’s reputation and violent threats.
Recognizing actual civil service problems and their causes demonstrates that the assessment refuting the deep state is reform minded, not partisan. Also, recognizing actual problems and their causes takes a proactive step towards improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the civil service instead of burdening it with harmful accusations.
These and other career civil service assessments may break us out of the current default to an either-or argument that hangs over the Schedule F debate: either career civil service is a problem that needs Schedule F to fix it, or Schedule F is a problem from which the career civil service needs protection. Instead of fighting over whether the bureaucracy is a swamp that needs to be drained or a deep state that legitimizes the end of the merit-based system, we need to proactively discuss how to ensure we have enough civil servants with the right skills to address America’s complex needs and challenges.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.