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A Constitutional Provision We Ignored for 150 Years
Feb 14, 2026
Imagine there was a way to discourage states from passing photo voter ID laws, restricting early voting, purging voter registration rolls, or otherwise suppressing voter turnout. What if any state that did so risked losing seats in the House of Representatives?
Surprisingly, this is not merely an idle fantasy of voting rights activists, but an actual plan envisioned in Section 2 of the 14th Amendment, which was ratified in 1868 – but never enforced.
Constitutional rights often exist without clear enforcement mechanisms, but attorney Jared Pettinato thinks he’s found one. He’s filed a lawsuit against the United States Census Bureau, aiming to require it to enforce Section 2. I follow the case in my documentary, FOURTEEN SECTION TWO, now in post-production. Check out the trailer below.
As you can tell, Pettinato wants to make Section 2 an active part of the Constitution. But why did it become inactive in the first place? To answer that question, we need some additional historical context.
Most of us know about the 14th Amendment because of Section 1, which enshrined birthright citizenship, due process, and equal protection within the Constitution. But for the framers, Section 2 was potentially more important because it aimed to ensure that newly emancipated Black men in the South would be able to vote – and by doing so, keep in power the Republican party that won the Civil War.

Photo of the 14th Amendment.
Section 2 begins by stating, “Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State.” It’s not obvious from the text, but this provision abolished the notorious Three-fifths Compromise from the original Constitution. With the adoption of the 14th Amendment, Black people would be counted in full for the purposes of Congressional apportionment.
The framers had a problem, though. Because the South’s full Black population would now be counted, the Confederate states would re-enter the Union with more representation in the House than they had before the Civil War. If former Confederates remained in power in those states, they would suppress the Black vote and then reassert their dominance over the national government.
The Republicans could not abide this possibility, but at the time, they didn’t have the votes for the obvious solution — prohibiting states from denying citizens the right to vote on the basis of race. That would come later in the 15th Amendment.
Instead, they developed a rather convoluted solution in the rest of Section 2. The states would be allowed to abridge or deny the vote as they wished, but there would be a penalty for doing so. If, say, 10% of potential voters could not vote, then the state’s population would be reduced by that same 10% when seats were apportioned in the House. A state could therefore wind up with fewer seats than it would normally be entitled to.
No state would risk such a penalty, which would make Section 2 a strong safeguard of voting rights. But when Congress attempted to enforce Section 2 in the 1870 census, it quickly became clear that it was nearly impossible to gather reliable data about voter denials and abridgements. As enthusiasm for Reconstruction waned, Congress made even less effort to enforce Section 2. It remained in the Constitution as a dead letter. And it mostly stayed that way until 2022, when Jared Pettinato brought his lawsuit.
The lawsuit and the Section 2 background raise many questions. Most obviously, how does a section of the 14th Amendment, a part of “the highest law in the land,” go unenforced for more than 150 years? Is the strange history of Section 2 a quirk or a canary in a coal mine, warning us that something has gone wrong with our Constitutional order?
This is perhaps a more relevant question than I would like it to be. But there’s no denying that much of what we took for granted in the Constitution is up for debate. Everything from freedom of speech to the right to bear arms to birthright citizenship to due process seems less certain than it was not long ago. Perhaps we’ve believed that the Constitution guaranteed us rights because of the words on the page or the orders of a court. But it’s now clearer than ever that the words and the orders relied on a system that may be breaking down.
With so much at stake, why make a film about a part of the Constitution that everyone had pretty much agreed to forget? I think reviving a debate about Section 2 of the 14th Amendment is good for us. It forces us to think about what rights we really want to have and what we need to do to secure them. Clearly, just writing them down is not enough.
When our current crises pass, we cannot simply return to the status quo ante. There are moments in our history that force a rupture in and reimagination of the Constitution. Reconstruction was one. Now may well be another. I hope that studying the history of Section 2 might help us learn from the past, navigate this moment, and find something better on the other side.
A film is a unique way to make that effort. It takes Constitutional questions out of the abstract and makes them real for a wider audience. If you’d like to be a part of the journey, you can subscribe to my newsletter.
A Constitutional Provision We Ignored for 150 Years was first published on the Substack channel, Expand Democracy and was republished with permission.
Todd Drezner is a documentarian, producer, and writer.
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A comparison of the Trump administration, Orwell’s 1984, and Hitler explores warning signs of authoritarianism, propaganda, and threats to American democracy.
Getty Images, S-S-S
Parallels and Patterns: George Orwell’s 1984, Hitler’s Nazi, and Trump 2.0
Feb 13, 2026
George Orwell’s 1984 is a classic dystopian novel that is a regular part of American high school English and social studies classes. It is usually taught in 9th or 10th grade to introduce students to themes like totalitarianism, propaganda, and censorship. The book remains relevant because it helps students understand how oppression and manipulation operate, offering important insights into their roles as citizens who help protect democracy.
Similarly, American high schools teach about Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in 1933 and how the Nazis changed German society, usually in 11th or 12th grade. This history provides students with clear ways to judge modern leaders and helps them spot similar patterns in today’s politics, including those seen in figures like Donald Trump.
During both of his terms as president, Donald Trump’s views and actions were widely shared in the media. TV networks often covered his rallies and press conferences, and social media platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram played a major role in shaping how people saw him and engaged with his messages.
Hence as a result of this education, many Americans notice similarities between Trump and the patterns found in Orwell’s 1984 and Hitler’s time. These similarities are seen as repeated patterns, not exact copies of totalitarianism. To think more about this, ask yourself: Which signs of growing authoritarianism do you notice most?
Core components
The first of four core components people point to when comparing Orwell’s 1984, Hitler, and Trump is the emphasis on a single leader as the embodiment of the nation, with loyalty to him prioritized over loyalty to institutions, Congress, the U.S. Constitution, the Supreme Court, and/or the law. This is an echo of fascist leadership cults and Big Brother’s centrality in 1984.
Another point is that Hitler repeatedly told lies until they were accepted, while Mr. Trump’s policies feature blatant falsehoods and misinformation: 30,573 false or misleading claims during the Trump 1.0 administration (Washington Post, Jan. 24, 2021).
Mr. Trump’s discrediting of independent media – “enemy of the people” – and attacks on journalists – “obnoxious reporter,” “stupid,” and “quiet piggy” – evoke both Nazi attacks on the Lügenpresse (lying press) and 1984’s state-controlled information system.
The 47th president’s statement to the public, “What you’re seeing and what you’re reading is not what’s happening,” strongly resembles Orwellian doublespeak and demands that you reject the evidence of your own eyes and ears. Americans have seen video footage of two people being killed by ICE agents in Minneapolis, know that 60-70,000 people have been detained during the Trump 2.0 administration (Deportation Data, Jan. 27), and realize 73.6% of those detained have never been convicted of any criminal offense (TRAC Immigration).
1984-style elements
Mr. Trump’s insistence that Americans who are getting facts from the media are getting “fake news” resembles Newspeak and the Ministry of Truth’s role in manufacturing false reality.
Mr. Trump’s efforts to change or rewrite official government documents and websites, punish civil servants who present unwelcome data, or replace independent experts with loyalists are seen as analogous to the constant revision of records in 1984 to fit the party's narrative.
Mr. Trump’s constant focus on vilifying groups like immigrants, political opponents, and critical journalists functions like an ongoing “Two Minutes Hate,” channeling anger at designated enemies to consolidate support.
Hitler-era
Nazi propaganda portrayed Jews and other groups as parasitic, criminal, or a biological threat to the nation. Mr. Trump said “poisoning the blood of our country” and has linked them to an alleged Christian nationalists’ replacement of native-born Americans, which parallels the neo-Nazi’s far-right “Great Replacement” ideology. It’s worth remembering that roughly 97 percent of Americans are descendants of immigrants ourselves, a nation built generation after generation by people who arrived seeking safety, opportunity, and dignity. Our shared history should give every citizen pause before embracing rhetoric that divides us into “real” and “unreal” Americans.
Historians of fascism point out that Nazi authorities used visible humiliation, rough treatment, and publicized expulsions to send a message to bystanders. Reporting on Trump 2.0 describes deportation flights with migrants shackled as deliberate “theater,” meant to demonstrate state power.
Mr. Trump’s repeated suggestions to use the military for domestic enforcement, plus aggressive immigration raids and nationalizing elections, are viewed as analogous to Hitler’s actions in Germany.
Authoritarian playbook
Mr. Trump’s illegal firing of 17 inspectors general, firing career civil servants and demanding loyalty from his cabinet appointees, Congressional Republicans, America’s judicial system, military personnel, and civil servants – intended by America’s founding fathers to be neutral and independent – tracks an authoritarian playbook of hollowing out USA’s checks and balances system that has worked quite well for 250 years.
The difference between America, Orwell’s 1984, and Nazi Germany
Unlike 1984 or Nazi Germany, the United States still has freedom of the press, Constitutionally-driven courts, federally elected representatives, state governments willing to resist, open elections, and a strong civil society where people can organize, protest, and criticize the president without automatic imprisonment.
Many scholars stress that Trump 2.0 is not the same as Hitler or Big Brother but that the patterns – attacks on truth, the rule-of-law erosion, reshaping the population along ethnic lines, scapegoating, and leader-cult politics in the GOP-dominated Congress, cabinet, and Supreme Court – are early warning signs that if left unchecked, history shows they can lead democracies toward authoritarian regimes.
This is no genocide, but history warns us to be careful
Only a strong civil society can ensure that America, in its 250th year of existence, remains a democracy and rejects an authoritarian dictatorship.
Will you help keep it strong, or will you give in to Big Brother?
Steve Corbin is a professor emeritus of marketing at the University of Northern Iowa.
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Bridge Alliance and the National Academy launch a cross-sector fellowship to advance democracy reform, civic renewal, and public service leadership.
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Fellows Program Targets Reform Across Key Democracy Sectors
Feb 13, 2026
Bridge Alliance and the National Academy of Public Administration are partnering to co-create the Fellows for Democracy and Public Service Initiative, a first of its kind cross-sector fellowship to elevate distributed leadership across the democracy reform and civic renewal landscape. The initiative brings together the Academy’s distinguished Fellows and the Bridge Alliances dynamic, cross-sector ecosystem to integrate institutional wisdom with civic imagination
“We believe it is imperative this work results in clear, actionable recommendations for reform and renewal. This program is not designed to generate more awareness. Instead, it is built to produce executable action plans: translating research and dialogue into tangible reforms, and generating actionable insights through collaboration with diverse stakeholders,” said James-Christian Blockwood, President & CEO of the National Academy of Public Administration.
“These fellows bring extraordinary talent and experience for addressing some central challenges we face as a nation. They are building a leadership infrastructure for the future
of American democracy,” said David Nevins, founder and board chair of the Bridge Alliance.
Fellows will anchor their work in six core sectors, each stewarding a vital component of a thriving democratic republic (full biographies of the fellows are below).
- Public Service Leadership and Civil Service Reform. Fellow Vince Micone will create “Forging the Next 250: Building America’s Next Public Service Pipeline.” This project will explore how the federal government can build a modern, diverse, and resilient talent pipeline—one that prepares the next generation of public servants to lead the nation into its next 250 years.
- Voting and Elections. Fellow Shaniqua Williams will create “The Hidden Infrastructure of Democracy: Professionalizing and Diversifying Election Staff.” The project will focus on strengthening election administration by developing an evidence-based framework for training and professionalizing and expanding pathways that diversify the election
- Bridging & Dialogue. Fellow Kristina Becvar will create “From Dialogue to Direction: Rebuilding Shared Civic Purpose in a Fragmented Democracy.” The project seeks to address an increasingly consequential challenge in the bridging community: the lack of shared purpose, coordination, and narrative coherence among those working to strengthen American democracy itself.
- Electoral Systems Reform. Fellows Ted Delicath and Beth Hladick will create “The 2026 Primary Problem: Diagnosing the Divide.” The project will leverage the 2026 midterms to shift the national narrative from "horse race" coverage to structural analysis and rigorously document how partisan primaries disenfranchise voters and fuel polarization.
- Trustworthy Information Leads to Trust in Government. Fellow Joel Gurin will create “Regaining Public Trust in Federal Data and Information.” The project will explore current obstacles to public trust in data, with a focus on public federal data, and recommend remedies.
- Pluralism. Fellows Kimberly Walton and Tamara L. Miller will create “Pluralism as a Civic Operating System: Building a Democracy of Dignity.” The project seeks to reframe pluralism as a practical system for navigating demographic, cultural, and increasingly economic and geographic divides.
A Shared Commitment to Durable Civic Infrastructure
This partnership between the Bridge Alliance and the Academy reflects their shared commitment to building durable civic infrastructure rooted in collaboration, powered by expertise, and guided by purpose.
About the National Academy of Public Administration: Chartered by Congress to provide nonpartisan expert advice, the Academy is an independent nonprofit organization established in 1967 to assist government leaders in building more effective, efficient, accountable, and transparent organizations. Learn more at www.napawash.org.
About Bridge Alliance Education Fund: Bridge Alliance Education Fund is a catalyst organization empowering a diverse democracy-renewal movement through civic engagement, media innovation, leadership development, and bridge-building across differences.
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As AI reshapes the labor market, workers must think like entrepreneurs. Explore skills gaps, apprenticeships, and policy reforms shaping the future of work.
Getty Images, Maria Korneeva
We’re All Entrepreneurs Now: Learning, Pivoting, and Thriving the Age of AI
Feb 13, 2026
What do a recent grad, a disenchanted employee, and a parent returning to the workforce all have in common? They’re each trying to determine which skills are in demand and how they can convince employers that they are competent in those fields. This is easier said than done.
Recent grads point to transcripts lined with As to persuade firms that they can add value. Firms, well aware of grade inflation, may scoff.
Disenchanted employees need to spend time training for the jobs of the future, perhaps by working toward a badge or credential. Firms are rightfully skeptical of those, too. After all, there are hundreds of thousands of certificates these days—it’s unclear which are meaningful.
Parents try to convince firms that they remain as skillful as ever by highlighting their earlier work. Here, again, firms may have some questions. A hiring manager may not shake the nagging feeling that extended time off the job may have caused version skills to atrophy.
In a healthy, efficient labor market, it’d be possible for these workers to signal their skills and to find firms demanding such work. The aforementioned barriers all stand in the way of such a market. The introduction of AI makes this labor matching even more difficult. Firms don’t know which skills to seek out because it’s unclear what work will be completed by humans, human-AI teams, or just AI. Workers, too, are at a loss—hoping that the skills they seek to gain align with those demanded by firms over the long run.
In this market failure—when informational asymmetries prevent workers and firms from finding one another in as cheap and timely a manner as possible—it’s tempting to call on the government to step in. The thinking goes that the government can predict which skills will define the future and can set up programs for upskilling and retraining. This logic falls by looking to the advice of many a government officials to lean into computer science. While some firms may demand some individuals with such skills, early returns from the Age of AI suggest demand is dropping.
What’s a student to do? How can someone finally leave their firm and find a better role? How can a mom or dad get back into the office and stay there?
The answer is simple and, perhaps, daunting: we’re all entrepreneurs now. We all must be attentive to market trends, adaptive to meaningful shifts in labor demand, and willing to work in novel and, at times, unpredictable environments. In short, the career ladder may be broken, but it’s been replaced by a career flywheel—studying when necessary, shadowing as a trainee, and working in flexible arrangements.
No one—including AI experts and government economists—can detail the specific set of skills that will result in high-paying work that supports families and sustains the American Dream. Everyone must be willing to take risks—diversifying, deepening, and shifting their skill sets to be as valuable in the labor market as possible.
Politicians ought not try to forecast those skills but rather sustain an entrepreneurial approach to skill development. Three proposals can help channel the necessary entrepreneurial energy without being too prescriptive.
First, emulate South Carolina’s success by encouraging firms to offer more apprenticeships. South Carolina has quietly built one of the most effective apprenticeship ecosystems in the country. Through its registered apprenticeship initiative, the state helps firms offset training costs, coordinate curriculum with community colleges, and design programs that respond to real production needs rather than abstract projections. The result is a pipeline that places people into paid roles while they learn—reducing the risk for workers and giving firms a chance to assess talent in real time.
Second, encourage the creation of skills-based evaluations by high schools and higher education institutions. Workers can better market their services—and firms can hire with more confidence—when skills are legible, portable, and comparable. Today’s degrees obscure more than they reveal. Grade inflation compresses distinctions, transcripts say little about applied competence, and employers are left guessing.
The Department of Education—and state equivalents—can help by issuing guidance that promotes competency-based transcripts, standardized skill taxonomies, and verified portfolios that document what students can actually do. It can also serve as an information clearinghouse, publishing data on which institutions and programs reliably produce particular skills and outcomes.
Third, reform—or abandon—New Deal employment laws with rigid classifications that hinder the ability of workers and firms alike to engage in creative, flexible, and mutually beneficial arrangements. The Fair Labor Standards Act, built for an economy of factory floors and fixed schedules, struggles to accommodate project-based work, part-time experimentation, and hybrid human-AI roles.
Its binary distinctions between employee and contractor, for one, discourage firms from offering flexible pathways and push workers into all-or-nothing choices. Modernizing these rules—by allowing more fractional work, clearer safe harbors, and updated definitions of hours and supervision—would expand opportunity without sacrificing baseline protections.
The future of work will not be handed down in a syllabus or codified in a regulation. It will be discovered—through trial, error, and adaptation—by people willing to build, learn, and pivot. Policy should not pretend to know which skills will win. It should instead clear the runway so more Americans can take off, test their wings, and land somewhere better.
Kevin Frazier is a Senior Fellow at the Abundance Institute, directs the AI Innovation and Law Program at the University of Texas School of Law, and is an Affiliated Research Fellow at the Cato Institute.
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