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From Papal Conclaves to Congressional Seats: Lessons for a Healthier Democracy
May 02, 2025
Welcome to the latest edition of The Expand Democracy 5 from Rob Richie and Eveline Dowling. This week they delve into: (1) productive conversations across the aisle; (2) evolving partisan views on press freedom; (3) increasing US House size; (4) learning from rules for papal elections; and (5) the week’s timely links
In keeping with The Fulcrum’s mission to share ideas that help to repair our democracy and make it live and work in our everyday lives, we intend to publish The Expand Democracy 5 in The Fulcrum each Friday.
If you want to suggest a pro-democracy idea for coverage in The Expand Democracy 5, please use the contact form at Expand Democracy.
Bridging Divides: High-Profile Dialogues Across Ideological Lines⚡
In an era marked by deep political polarization, recent events highlight the value of efforts to foster dialogue across ideological divides - from citizens in their communities to our political leaders.These moments aren’t just about the interviews themselves; they raise a bigger question: What happens when politicians choose to engage outside their usual echo chambers?
Take former Transportation Secretary and Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg, who recently appeared on the Flagrant podcast, hosted by comedians Andrew Schulz and Akaash Singh. Flagrant is a self-described “unruly,” traditionally “anti-woke” podcast with a mostly male audience. Known for its bro-centric and often controversial content, this platform has previously featured figures like Donald Trump.
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Buttigieg's nearly three-hour conversation drew praise for his openness to delve into topics ranging from political polarization to cultural divisions. “Mayor Pete” emphasized the importance of engaging with diverse viewpoints and criticized fellow Democrats for avoiding platforms like Flagrant, suggesting that such avoidance limits outreach and understanding. By the end of their conversation, it seemed as though he may have actually changed Schulz’s mind, with the host acknowledging the president’s lack of policy progress. Read Buttigieg's recap of the experience on his Substack.
Donald Trump draws understandable criticism for fostering division, but he also regularly goes out of his comfort zone – including speaking last year at conventions of the Libertarian Party and National Association of Black Journalists and bringing former Democrats Robert Kennedy Jr. and Tulsi Gabbard into his campaign and leadership team. In a surprising move, Trump last week granted an Oval Office interview to The Atlantic's editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, despite their fraught history – Goldberg had published a 2020 article accusing Trump of disparaging U.S. war dead as "suckers" and recently drew widespread attention by recounting his story of being accidentally added to a Signal chat among Trump administration leaders debating and sharing plans about a bombing campaign in Yemen.
Trump’s interview with Goldberg, which also included journalists Ashley Parker and Michael Scherer, covered a range of topics, including Trump's views on executive power, foreign policy, and his approach to governance in his second term. Trump described the interview as a test to see if The Atlantic could provide fair coverage, stating he was doing it "out of curiosity."
What it signals - and what we can all do: These moments underscore a growing public appetite for leaders who don’t just perform for their base, but are willing to engage with people who may not already agree with them. In an age of algorithms and partisan media, there’s power (and risk) in crossing those lines. But it’s also where the work of democracy happens: in discomfort, disagreement, and dialogue. If more politicians were willing to take that step onto unfamiliar podcasts, into skeptical rooms, across ideological battle lines, we might start to rebuild trust not by demanding agreement, but by showing up to be heard and to listen.
But let’s not leave it just to politicians. There is a vibrant “bridging” community creating opportunities for dialogue where anyone can participate. Check out resources of the Bridge Alliance, and groups like Braver Angels and Living Room Conversations.
[Mayor Pete with the Flagrant podcast hosts - image via Buttigieg Facebook page]
Press Freedoms: A Partisan Flip Reflects Deeper Democratic Tensions
As we look at declining faith in democracy, elections and institutions in general, adapting to the modern media landscape is of fundamental importance to sustaining healthy, flourishing democracies. But it’s fair from simple. A recent Pew Research Center survey reveals a significant shift in American concerns about press freedoms, closely tied to the political landscape. In 2024, during the Biden administration, 47% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents expressed high concern over potential restrictions on press freedoms, compared to 38% of Democrats and Democratic leaners. However, under the current Trump administration, these figures have reversed: 60% of Democrats now report high concern, while only 28% of Republicans share this sentiment.
This partisan reversal underscores how perceptions of press freedom are overly influenced by the party in power. The survey also indicates that individuals closely following news about the Trump administration are more likely to express concern about press freedoms. Among those paying close attention, 49% are extremely or very concerned, compared to 29% among those less engaged. The findings highlight the dynamic nature of public concern over press freedoms, reflecting broader tensions in democratic engagement and the importance of safeguarding journalistic independence across political divides.
Resources:
- The Democracy Fund explains the ambitious goals of Press Forward, which is investing more than $500 million to strengthen communities and local news.
- Wired provides an overview of its evaluation of the best podcasts. Cue lifts up 19 political podcasts.
- iCivics has a longer-term vision of impact grounded in education.
[Figure by Pew Research Center]
Rethinking Representation: Congress Considers House Size
Too often Americans assume that any election structure or rule in place for a generation or two was put in granite by our constitutional framers. Last week we talked about how the U.S. should not be fixed at 100 members from 50 states. Similarly, it’s high time to break the 115-year-old logjam of having 435 House Members. Before 1910, U.S. House size changed with every decennial census, but the lack of action that decade led to freezing growth even as our population has more than tripled.
A new bill introduced by Michigan’s Haley Stevens in the House of Representatives, H.R. 2797, proposes the establishment of a bipartisan commission to study the appropriate size of the House. The commission would be tasked with examining historical data, population trends, and comparative legislative structures to assess whether an increase in the number of representatives is warranted.
Proponents argue that revisiting the size of the House could enhance representation and ensure that each member serves a manageable number of constituents. Our Common Purpose, a project of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, has excellent sources supporting its commission recommendation for a larger House. Supporters believe that a larger House could lead to more responsive governance, better reflect the diverse interests of the American populace and create new opportunities to modify winner-take-all congressional elections. Although critics caution about potential logistical challenges and increased costs associated with expanding the legislative body, the case for a more representative, responsive Congress is strong
The Papal Conclave and Lessons for Voting💡
On May 7, Catholic cardinals from around the world will convene in the Sistine Chapel of the Vatican in Rome, with 133 eligible and expected to participate in voting for a new Pope in the wake of the death of Pope Francis. Picking a new Pope does not happen in regularly scheduled elections. Indeed the last papal conclave in 2013 was the first in the last 600 years not triggered by the death of a Pope. The Vatican needs to organize quickly a process that is done quickly, well, and according to clear rules. The 2024 movie Conclave had its predictable Hollywood twists, but did capture key elements of the process accurately.
With deliberations in secret and with cardinals casting secret ballots, the conclave is designed to balance respecting majority rule with seeking consensus. This month, the new Pope must earn the votes of at least two-thirds of cardinals casting ballots - with that super-majority requirement restored in 2007 after the Church under Pope John Paul II explored allowing a winner with more than half the votes in the event of a deadlock. This means the ultimate choice may not be one of these initial frontrunners, depending on the need for compromise to bring cardinals on board - and the general public will never know who almost was chosen.
When electing leaders, large populations of voters can’t devote days to voting repeatedly to pick a leader. Parliamentary guides like Robert’s Rules of Order urge groups small enough to convene in person to follow procedures in the spirit of the conclave, at least until a winner has a majority of at least 50%. But supermajorities in associations are common too. Indeed, the Democratic Party for much of its history at presidential conventions required winners to earn at least 60% of the vote from delegates – meaning that a presidential candidate could earn more than 50% of the vote on the first ballot and still lose if not able to more definitively unify the party. The 1924 Democratic convention required 103 ballots and 15 days to pick a nominee.
When having remote voters and certainly when having more voters, ranked choice voting – termed “preferential voting" in Robert’s Rules of Order in its recommendation of it as an alternative – is increasingly common. For example, all five national parties in Canada now pick their leaders with RCV, and countless organizations and students at more than 100 American colleges and universities use RCV. Don’t expect an RCV ballot in Rome next week - but its unifying impact will certainly be present in spirit as the cardinals choose a new Pope.
[Cardinals participate in the fifth Novendiales Mass for Pope Francis - Credit:Daniel Ibañez/CNA]
Timely Links
We close The Expand Democracy 5 with notable links, including followups to recent topics.
- Freedom Over Fascism: The Democracy Group’s new podcast features Laura Brill, CEO of Civics Center, on its mission to register high school students to vote - planting seeds for lifelong civic engagement.
- American Democracy Summit May 14-16: Many pro-democracy leaders and activists will soon gather in Phoenix. Registrants are still welcome, and there are periodic “flash sales” for 50% off promised by lead organizer RepresentUs.
- Canada’s Liberals Secure Minority Government Amid US Tensions: In a remarkable turnaround from January polls showing a defeat by 20%, Canada’s Liberal Party, led by Mark Carney, was returned to office in this week’s snap election. The victory was influenced by Donald Trump’s aggressive rhetoric, which shifted the campaign’s focus to national sovereignty and contributed to a historic gender gap.Analysis of the potential use of ranked choice voting – the change Justin Trudeau most regrets not bringing to Canada - suggests minor parties would have won more votes and the Liberals would have avoided several losses due to split votes.
- FEC Loses Quorum, Halting Campaign Finance Enforcement: As of April 30th, the Federal Election Commission (FEC) lacks the minimum number of commissioners required to enforce campaign finance laws, following the resignation of a Republican commissioner and the earlier removal of Democratic Commissioner Ellen Weintraub. This absence of the quorum prevents the FEC from conducting investigations, issuing advisory opinions, or enforcing compliance, raising concerns about unchecked political spending in the upcoming election cycle.
- Worries Mount as SCOTUS Eyes Final Pillar of VRA: The Supreme Court will decide whether private individuals and organizations can continue to bring lawsuits under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act - the core provision that prohibits racial discrimination in voting. If the Court rules to limit or eliminate private enforcement, legal advocates fear it could effectively gut the last meaningful protection in the landmark civil rights law.
- Trump’s First 100 Days: In Donald Trump’s second term, the first 100 days were marked by aggressive immigration enforcement, significant environmental policy reversals, and a record breaking use of executive powers. His administration focused on tough stances such as pardoning individuals involved in the Jan. 6 insurrection, and reintroduced tariffs that impacted the economy.
- Upholding Democracy in Dark Times: Video of a Skoll World Forum speech by Rachel Kleinfeld, Senior Fellow, Democracy, Conflict and Governance Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Why Congress is broken and how we can fix it: “Congress is broken. It has been polarized and unproductive for years, and it’s only getting worse… Why? Uncompetitive elections lead to unrepresentative outcomes. Most U.S. House members have little reason to care what most of their district’s voters think – they are nearly guaranteed to win re-election anyway.” See summaries of new reports from FairVote: Dubious Democracy 2024 and Monopoly Politics 2026.
- Australia’s Federal Election: Australia's May 3rd federal elections present voters with stark choices. Labor's Anthony Albanese seeks re-election with a focus on modest reforms. The opposition Coalition's Peter Dutton proposes temporary tax cuts and a fuel rebate. Both parties face criticism for offering limited solutions to critical issues, which may lead to growing success for independents. Even as the major parties’ first choice vote declines, ranked choice voting (see FairVote’s helpful explainer) minimizes strategic voting and unrepresentative outcomes – with the Senate’s proportional form of RCV contributing to 57% of its seats being held by women.
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Supreme Court Considers Eroding the Separation of Church and State in Public Schools
May 02, 2025
WASHINGTON–After the state of Oklahoma contested the right of a Catholic organization to get state funding for a charter school, the Supreme Court is weighing whether the separation of church and state required by the Constitution justifies Oklahoma’s decision to keep charter schools secular.
The court heard arguments on Wednesday in Oklahoma Statewide Charter School Board v. Drummond, and its decision, expected in late June, could open the gates that separate the secular American education system from religion.
If the Court rules in favor of the Catholic school in Oklahoma, taxpayer dollars set aside for public schools could begin to flow toward religious schools across the country as well. That would reduce the resources and funding for public education. Currently, six of the nine justices are Catholic while less than 20 % of U.S. citizens practice Catholicism.
“The hallmark of public education is that taxpayers are paying for it, not private donations. The government's doing this,” Justice Sonia Sotomayor said. “Charter schools are using only government funds.”
In January 2023, the Archdiocese of Oklahoma City and the Diocese of Tulsa contracted with a statewide charter school board to create the St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School. The school never began its classes as the State Attorney General, Gentner Drummond, sued the Statewide Virtual Charter School Board.
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He argued that they violated the state and U.S. Constitution because it forbids the use of public school funding for religious purposes. The Oklahoma Supreme Court agreed with Drummond that charter schools, as public entities, are prohibited from using public funds for religious education.
“This case is ultimately about safeguarding religious liberty. Religious liberty means every citizen is free to worship as he or she sees fit. It does not mean the government should back religious indoctrination,” Drummond said in a press release from April 30. “The justices were clearly engaged. Their questions were robust and meaningful.”
In the wake of the state Supreme Court’s decision, the school board and St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. They said charter schools are private entities participating in a state program and that preventing religious charter schools from accessing public funds is discrimination based on religion.
“The challenge here is to the facial religious discrimination that says: If you have any sectarian program, you can't be a part of the program,” Campbell said.
The state of Oklahoma’s lawyer stated that the charter school did not experience discrimination, but rather sought privileges not afforded to public entities.
In fact, Gregory Garre, Oklahoma’s lawyer, said that St. Isidore’s Catholic school policies would discriminate against non-Catholic students and faculty.
“They seek a special status: the right to establish a religious charter school plus an exemption from the nondiscrimination requirements that apply to every other charter school and that distinguish public schools from private schools,” Garre said during opening arguments.
The Archdiocese of Oklahoma issued a press release following the oral arguments, emphasizing that religious liberties were at stake.
“We are grateful that the U.S. Supreme Court heard our case and now entrust it to their wisdom,” Archbishop Paul S. Coakley & Bishop David A. Konderla of Oklahoma said in a press release. “Of course, we pray and hope for a decision that stands with religious liberty and the rights of Oklahoma families to make their own decisions in selecting the best educational options for their children.”
Constitutional Litigation Fellow Luke Anderson with Americans United for Separation of Church and State said a ruling for St. Isidore would allow public funding to be funneled toward religious schools. Anderson is involved in Americans United's separate case in Oklahoma's state court againstSt. Isidore on similar grounds.
“What has always been at the core of public education is students learning together across differences, students of varying backgrounds together in one classroom, and this case today, seeks to fracture that system, that long-standing system of public education that is open to all,” Anderson said.
Anderson said the United States’ founding fathers emphasized the separation of church and state because of religious persecution by the Church of England and its influence in British government.
“Without [seperation], we end up in a place where either you have multiple religions competing for the government's legitimacy,” Anderson said. “Or you have the government picking a favorite, and then you have religious control.”
He also added that if the Supreme Court ruled in favor of St. Isidore, many public charter schools would lose money set aside for secular education.
“That would mean diverting funds away from traditional public schools, and indeed, also diverting funds away from charter schools that are free and open to all, which is the core of what it means to be a public school — your free education that is open to all,” Anderson said.
Atmika Iyer is a graduate student in Northwestern Medill’s Politics, Policy, and Foreign Affairs reporting program. Atmika is a journalism intern with the Fulcrum.
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Late-Night Comedy: How Satire Became America’s Most Trusted News Source
May 02, 2025
A close friend of mine recently confessed to having stopped watching cable news altogether because it was causing him and his wife anxiety and dread. They began watching Jimmy Kimmel instead, saying the nightly news felt like "psychological warfare" on their mental state. "We want to know what's going on but can't handle the relentless doom and gloom every night," he told me.
Jimmy Kimmel, host of ABC's Jimmy Kimmel Live, seems to understand this shift. "A year ago, I would've said I'm hoping to show people who aren't paying attention to the news what's actually going on," he told Rolling Stone last month in an interview. "Now I see myself more as a place to scream."
This isn't surprising. For almost a decade now, the relationship between audiences and late-night hosts has changed profoundly. Viewers are tuning out cable news and seeking clarity, humor, and relief from late-night comedians like Stephen Colbert and Greg Gutfeld and the cold opens on SNL. On Bluesky, the buzzy new social platform for those fleeing Elon Musk's X, one user wrote, "It's ironic that I use satire shows as more reliable sources than the US mainstream media." For better or worse, this phenomenon has become a new form of journalism.
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How We Got Here
We didn't always turn to comedians for the headlines. For decades, late-night hosts Johnny Carson, Jay Leno, and even David Letterman at his most biting, still centered on celebrity interviews and innocuous zingers. The turning point came after 9/11 when Jon Stewart's emotional monologue on The Daily Show demonstrated that comedy could process national grief.
Following Trump's election in 2016, traditional news became more combative and chaotic. The nightly barrage of outrage left viewers emotionally exhausted. Therapists coined it: "Trump Anxiety Disorder." A recent Axios report found that the chaos surrounding Trump and the 2020 election contributed to a 10% rise in major health issues, including cancer and heart attacks.
In this increasingly tense political climate, liberal audiences found validation through shows like HBO's Last Week Tonight with John Oliver, Real Time with Bill Maher, and NBC's Late Night with Seth Meyers' segment "A Closer Look". These programs offer viewers not just a recap of the news but a way to process it, laugh through it, and bear it. They tackle the most important stories of the day from the tariff wars, the Kilmar Abrego Garcia deportation case, and a potential Trump third term, all blurring the lines of comedy and journalism.
The Numbers Tell the Story
The popularity of this approach is evident in the ratings. Shows from Colbert, Kimmel, and Gutfeld often outperform traditional cable news in their respective timeframes. For instance, on April 17, Gutfeld! captured 3,177,000 viewers at 10 p.m., significantly outperforming CNN's Abby Phillip (527,000 viewers) and MSNBC's Lawrence O'Donnell (1,643,000 viewers) in the same slot. This performance has established Gutfeld as the dominant voice in late-night ratings.
For conservative viewers, long feeling alienated by mainstream comedy, the rise of Greg Gutfeld—the former Fox News host turned late-night comedian—and his late-night show Gutfeld! wasn't about offering traditional late-night laughs, it was about providing conservative viewers a late-night space where their frustrations were acknowledged with humor, not shame. His success highlights how late-night comedy has evolved into ideological echo chambers that reinforce our worldviews, signaling a profound shift in how we consume political information today.
The Trade-Off
Yet, while comedians offer us a news style that relieves the stress of traditional reporting, it's important to remember they are not journalists. John Oliver, host of HBO's Last Week Tonight, describes his broadcast bluntly: "It's not journalism. It's comedy first, comedy second." It's true that their job is to entertain first, but it's also clear they do a kind of journalism that engages and connects with us in ways traditional news no longer can. The balance we strike is revealing: we choose comfort over journalistic credibility.
Conclusion: Emotional Survival Over News Accuracy
Mainstream news has stopped working for many Americans. That's why late-night comedy, for all its irreverence and partisan leanings, is doing what we once expected journalism to do: tell the truth, make it understandable, and offer us a sense of understanding and comfort.
Meanwhile, with news channels pushing viewers into opposing camps, comedians have become one of the few places where people still gather, night after night, for some much-needed catharsis. But whether you agree with their politics or not, they have become the voices Americans turn to when the world stops making sense. They remind us that we're not crazy, and in a country where the truth can sound like a joke, the last laugh belongs to those who can still help us make sense of it all.
Jack Rico is an entertainment journalist, TV host, and media pundit with over two decades of experience covering Latinos in media and entertainment. He was recently featured on ABC News' primetime special Latinos in Hollywood and is the co-host of the Webby-nominated podcast Brown & Black.
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Young girl pouring fresh juice or milk into cup sitting at table with classmates while eating lunch in school cafeteria.
Getty Images, SeventyFour
The Real Monster: Hunger in America’s Schools
May 02, 2025
Boo wasn’t afraid of monsters. In Monster, Inc., a popular Disney animated film, the wide-eyed, giggling little girl toddled fearlessly through a world of towering, furry creatures—completely unfazed by their fangs, claws, or booming voices. The only thing that scared her was Randall, the lurking, slithering villain who threatened her safety.
I once met a little girl just like Boo. She was about three years old, her hair tied up in tiny ponytails, her eyes filled with curiosity. At a food site I visited during my evaluation of the USDA’s Summer Food Service Program (SFSP), she struggled to climb onto the picnic bench, her small hands gripping the edge as she hoisted herself up. When she finally settled, she shared something no child should ever have to say: “When I stay with my dad, we don’t always eat lunch.”
Unlike Boo, the monsters in her world weren’t make-believe. Her Randall wasn’t a shadowy figure hiding in a closet—it was food insecurity and hunger. And unlike the happy ending of a Disney film, where heroes swoop in to save the day, the story for children like her is being rewritten in the worst way.
With the recent policy decision to remove $1 billion in USDA funding that helps supply food banks and school meal programs, the safety net that once protected children from hunger is unraveling. The boogeyman of food insecurity is creeping closer, not just in the shadows but in classrooms, cafeterias, and homes where empty stomachs are becoming more common. As someone who led the first-ever evaluation of Wisconsin’s SFSP, I know firsthand how vital these programs are. I trained both undergraduate students and high schoolers in Youth Participatory Action Research (YPAR) methods to help examine the barriers students and families faced in accessing food. What we found was clear: these meal programs were a lifeline—one that was already stretched too thin.
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The decision to cut funding for food banks and school meals is more than a budgetary shift—it is a fundamental abdication of our collective responsibility to care for one of our most valuable populations: children. This is not just about dollars and cents; it is about whether we, as a society, believe that no child should go hungry.
There is a unique cruelty in a government that cuts funding for food banks and schools, depriving the nation’s most vulnerable—especially children—of essential support. It has long been recognized that certain groups, such as children and the elderly, require special protections. Yet, this government has crossed a moral line, betraying the fundamental social covenant to care for those in greatest need.
Ensuring that children have access to food in school is not just a practical necessity—it is an ethical obligation. Access to food is a fundamental human right. Denying children food in school violates their right to adequate nutrition and overall well-being. We know from science that hungry children struggle to concentrate, retain information, and perform academically. If some students cannot access food, their learning experience is inherently unequal.
Moreover, investing in child nutrition reduces future social costs related to healthcare, crime, and economic disparity. Ethically, society has a responsibility to prevent harm and promote well-being. The USDA’s decision to cut funding will not only hurt children today but will have devastating long-term effects on education, health, and economic stability.
This crisis calls for action from all of us. But how can we make a difference? We can push back against harmful cuts by raising awareness through sharing research, facts, and personal stories on social media to highlight their impact. Mobilizing at town halls and community gatherings will help us discuss how these cuts affect schools and families. We should engage with organizations like faith-based groups, nonprofits, and food pantries to speak out and advocate for change. Additionally, we must demand policy changes by urging local representatives to speak up and contacting state and federal policymakers with specific complaints and personal stories. Joining or forming coalitions can apply pressure on decision-makers to push for change, while volunteering at food banks or school meal programs can help address gaps caused by funding cuts. Fundraising for local efforts to provide meals to families in need and collaborating with businesses to create food donation programs can also make a difference. Holding leaders accountable by amplifying their positions on food security and supporting those advocating for robust social safety nets is crucial. Finally, encouraging voter participation and tracking leaders' voting records on food insecurity issues will help ensure lasting change. Together, we can make a difference.
In Monsters, Inc., laughter had the power to change the world. In our world, it’s action that makes the difference. These children don’t need magic or make-believe heroes—they need real people who will stand up, speak out, and demand that no child goes hungry. Because this time, the monster is real. And the only way to defeat it is by coming together.
In the world of Monstropolis, monsters once stole screams from children to generate energy. But when they discovered that laughter and happiness were far more powerful than fear, everything changed. We want children to experience joy and happiness, not live in fear and uncertainty. Let’s make that a reality.
Dr. Anthony Hernandez, a faculty member in the Department of Educational Policy Studies at the University of Wisconsin—Madison (UW-Madison), received a research award from the National Academy of Education/Spencer Foundation for his study on leadership in higher education. He has been recognized with four teaching awards at UW-Madison. He led the evaluation of the U.S. Department of Agriculture Summer Food Service Program (SFSP) in Dane County, Wisconsin for two years.
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