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Lightfoot defeat shows that open primaries work in the Windy City’s local elections

Lightfoot defeat shows that open primaries work in the Windy City’s local elections

Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot speaks to supporters at a campaign rally on February 25, 2023.

Photo by Scott Olson/Getty Images

Dariel Cruz Rodriguez is a first-year undergraduate student at The University of Chicago in the Hyde Park neighborhood, where he is currently studying Public Policy and Democracy. He is the founder of Students for Open Primaries, a national election reform organization.

A little over 6 months ago, I found myself standing at the front doors of Chicago’s O’Hare International Airport, two bags in each hand and a promise to learn more about the Windy City ingrained in my head. Little did I know then that I would be starting classes at The University of Chicago while a heated mayoral primary was underway.


It was no secret that Chicagoans were not satisfied with the progress Lightfoot had made up until the end of her mayorship– according to the Chicago Sun-Times, Lightfoot’s public approval rating as Mayor was 29% just before the primary election. That’s considerably down from her 78% approval rating at the start of her term around June 2020. Now, one lame-duck mayor and six failed candidates later, we are left with two Mayor hopefuls: Paul Vallas and Brandon Johnson.

I can only imagine how this election could have played out in a closed primary system. In a closed primary system, only registered members of a particular political party are allowed to vote in that party’s primary elections. This means that independent voters and members of other parties are excluded from participating in the primary process, which can lead to a limited and narrow candidate selection. Closed primaries can often promote more divisive politicians, as candidates who may not appeal to a broader electorate are more likely to be chosen as the party nominee.

However, in Chicago’s recent mayoral primary election, the use of an open primary system allowed for a more diverse and inclusive candidate pool, resulting in a more competitive election, with a wider range of candidates vying for the mayorship. In an open primary system, all registered voters are allowed to participate in the primary election, regardless of their political affiliation. In short, open primaries ensured that all Chicagoans have a say in who (or who won’t) the next mayor could be.

Our friends to the east in New York City faced a complete opposite electoral climate in their latest mayoral election. The closed primary system in the Big Apple has led to a situation where the winner of the Democratic primary is often viewed as the de facto winner of the mayoral race. In contrast, Chicago's open primary system allows for a more diverse and inclusive candidate pool, leading to a more competitive election and a wider range of candidates with different perspectives and platforms. After Lightfoot’s stunning loss in February, we see that Chicago’s election process scrutinizes politicians more on their commitment to the city, rather than their party.

The fact that Lightfoot, a popular and incumbent mayor, was defeated in the primary election shows that open primaries can lead to unexpected outcomes and a true representation of the will of the people. It also underscores the importance of having an open and inclusive democratic process.

I’ve been working on election reforms for the past two years as the co-founder of Students for Open Primaries, and I can say with full confidence that if there is one thing now that the City of Chicago is doing right: it is open primaries.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
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The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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