Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Latest Texas ballot curbs: Fewer drop boxes and no speedy  'one punch' voting

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott and President Donald Trump

Gov. Greg Abbott, in the Oval Office in May, issued new restrictions after President Trump leveled fresh unfounded allegations of voting fraud at this week's debate.

Pool/Getty Images

Just one drop box for voters in Houston, in the fourth most populous county in the nation, its 4.7 million people ranking just behind Alabama to be 25th in population were it a state. And just one place to deposit a ballot early in Brewster County, at 6,200 square miles bigger than three states, and where it's 90 minutes through the desert to get from the county seat to the next-biggest town.

That is what Gov. Greg Abbott has commanded: Starting Friday, none of the 254 counties in Texas can offer more than a single place to return an absentee ballot.

Assuming it survives a promised lawsuit, the Republican's executive order would amount to the most assertive state government effort to restrict voting in new ways this fall. Further hobbling the prospects for significant turnout and a smooth election, in what has become the nation's biggest presidential battleground, a federal appeals court has reinstated a prohibition on Texans voting in a matter of seconds by casting a straight-ticket ballot.


Nine weeks ago, Abbott surprised many voting rights groups when he added six more days for early in-person voting and expanded the system for absentee ballot drop-offs in response to the coronavirus pandemic. His new order alters those directives in ways he described as necessary to guard against "attempts at illegal voting."

Abbott acted after President Trump — who has only a narrow polling lead in the race for the state's 38 electoral votes — used this week's debate to amplify his sowing of distrust in the election by making baseless assertions about fraud permeating the world of remote voting.

In addition, fellow Republicans in Texas have sued to stop the additional voting days.

The state Democratic Party called the one-box-per-county edict "a blatant voter suppression tactic" that would disproportionately hurt the party's Black and Latino supporters, most of whom live in the state's six urban counties with more than a million people each.

"Republicans are on the verge of losing, so Gov. Abbott is trying to adjust the rules last minute," party Chairman Gilberto Hinojosa said in a statement. "Make no mistake, democracy itself is on the ballot. Every Texan must get out and vote these cowards out!"

Late Thursday the League of United Latin American Citizens and the League of Women Voters sued to prevent the state from changing its mind so close to the election, when thousands of people have already returned their ballots. Houston's Harris County has had a dozen drop-off sites.

Unlike the drop box systems of many states that rely on secure containers in government buildings or are sometimes monitored by surveillance cameras or local police, the Texas system requires voters to show a photo ID and then hand their sealed ballot envelopes to a county elections official. And Abbott's new order makes clear that registered partisan poll watchers must be on hand to observe.

At the debate, Trump called for his supporters to act as unofficial poll watchers and to "watch very carefully, because that's what has to happen."

Those who are permitted to observe will now see something different than they might have just a week ago.

That's when a federal judge declared that, because of the Covid-19 pandemic, the state would have to preserve its century-old practice of allowing voters to cast a single vote in favor of all the candidates on the ballot from one political party.

It's an option that has sped as many as two-thirds of Texas voters through the polls in minutes in recent years, but which the GOP Legislature did away with starting this November. The 5th Circuit Court of Appeals late Wednesday reversed the judge and said the switch could take effect — ruling it was too close to Election Day to change the system again, now that thousands of ballots have been printed, and machines programmed, without the party-line option.

Democrats fear the loss of "one punch" voting, as many Texans call it, will produce enormous lines that will dissuade thousands of voting on Nov. 3, especially in the urban counties, where ballots often include dozens of county and municipal judicial contests.

Unchanged is how Texas remains one of just five states where voters must provide an excuse unrelated to Covid-19 to get an absentee ballot — for return either at one of the locations or through the mail. The only allowable reasons are being older than 65, disabled or away from home when early-in-person voting starts Oct 13 through Election Day.

Texas has become a top-flight national focus in a presidential election year for the first time in decades. Thanks in large measure to the state's demographic shift, mainly the growth of the Latino and well-educated white suburban voting blocs, former Vice President Joe Biden is much closer to carrying the state than any Democrat since Jimmy Carter won it narrowly in 1976. Democrats are also in position to pick up four congressional seats and have a shot at taking the state House for the first time in 18 years.


Read More

​President Donald Trump and other officials in the Oval office.

President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House, Tuesday, Feb. 3, 2026, in Washington, before signing a spending bill that will end a partial shutdown of the federal government.

Alex Brandon, Associated Press

Trump Signs Substantial Foreign Aid Bill. Why? Maybe Kindness Was a Factor

Sometimes, friendship and kindness accomplish much more than threats and insults.

Even in today’s Washington.

Keep ReadingShow less
Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

General view of Galileo Ferraris Ex Nuclear Power Plant on February 3, 2024 in Trino Vercellese, Italy. The former "Galileo Ferraris" thermoelectric power plant was built between 1991 and 1997 and opened in 1998.

Getty Images, Stefano Guidi

Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

With the rise of artificial intelligence and a rapidly growing need for data centers, the U.S. is looking to exponentially increase its domestic energy production. One potential route is through nuclear energy—a form of clean energy that comes from splitting atoms (fission) or joining them together (fusion). Nuclear energy generates energy around the clock, making it one of the most reliable forms of clean energy. However, the U.S. has seen a decrease in nuclear energy production over the past 60 years; despite receiving 64 percent of Americans’ support in 2024, the development of nuclear energy projects has become increasingly expensive and time-consuming. Conversely, nuclear energy has achieved significant success in countries like France and China, who have heavily invested in the technology.

In the U.S., nuclear plants represent less than one percent of power stations. Despite only having 94 of them, American nuclear power plants produce nearly 20 percent of all the country’s electricity. Nuclear reactors generate enough electricity to power over 70 million homes a year, which is equivalent to about 18 percent of the electricity grid. Furthermore, its ability to withstand extreme weather conditions is vital to its longevity in the face of rising climate change-related weather events. However, certain concerns remain regarding the history of nuclear accidents, the multi-billion dollar cost of nuclear power plants, and how long they take to build.

Keep ReadingShow less
a grid wall of shipping containers in USA flag colors

The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

Keep ReadingShow less