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Mandatory vs. Voluntary Inclusionary Housing: What Cities Are Doing to Create Affordable Homes
Nov 24, 2025
As housing costs rise across United States cities, local governments are adopting inclusionary housing policies to ensure that some portion of new residential developments remains affordable. These policies—defined and tracked by organizations like the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy—require or encourage developers to include below-market-rate units in otherwise market-rate projects. Today, over 1,000 towns have implemented some form of inclusionary housing, often in response to mounting pressure to prevent displacement and address racial and economic inequality.
What’s the Difference Between Mandatory and Voluntary Approaches?
Inclusionary housing programs generally fall into two types:
- Mandatory policies require developers to provide a set percentage of affordable units as a condition for building approvals or rezoning. These requirements are typically non-negotiable and apply to developments above a certain size threshold.
- Voluntary programs offer developers incentives—such as increased height limits, density bonuses, or fee waivers—in exchange for providing affordable housing units. Participation is optional and often depends on whether the incentives outweigh the costs.
A 2019 review by the Urban Institute found that mandatory programs tend to deliver more affordable housing units, while voluntary programs offer flexibility and are more politically feasible, especially in places where mandates are limited by state law. Cities like San Francisco, New York, and Austin have implemented both models with varying degrees of success.
Reliable Affordable Housing Production
Mandatory inclusionary zoning policies require that qualifying developments—typically those above a certain size threshold or located within specific rezoning areas—include affordable units, making affordable housing delivery a predictable outcome. In New York City, the Mandatory Inclusionary Housing (MIH) program—launched in 2016—resulted in 2,065 affordable units approved, compared to 8,476 units under the earlier voluntary inclusionary housing program, according to a 2020 Manhattan Institute report.
Mandatory programs also promote economic and racial integration, especially when implemented in high-opportunity neighborhoods. These policies often improve access to affordable housing opportunities for low-income households. Accountability is another strength: developers are bound by deed restrictions and are required to verify income eligibility and submit annual reports.
Arguments in Favor of Voluntary Inclusionary Housing
Voluntary programs allow developers to participate when market conditions are favorable, avoiding the risks of discouraging construction in fragile markets. According to the National Low Income Housing Coalition, these programs offer flexibility while still delivering affordability through incentives.
In Austin, a January 2025 Planning Department memo found that 15 active voluntary density bonus programs have delivered over 46,000 total housing units—including 13,000 affordable units—and raised $41 million in fees. Voluntary tools like Affordability Unlocked and Downtown Density Bonus are particularly important in states like Texas, where mandates are limited by preemption laws: state-level regulations that prevent local governments from passing certain housing requirements such as mandatory affordability rules.
Arguments Against Mandatory Inclusionary Housing
While mandatory policies offer certainty, they may reduce the feasibility of new developments if not well-calibrated. A 2024 Terner Center study warned that overly aggressive affordability targets could reduce both affordable and market-rate housing production. A UCLA analysis estimated that increasing inclusionary zoning (IZ) requirements from 1 percent to 16 percent could result in 4,600–11,900 fewer units per point of increase.
There’s also the risk that developers pass costs to market-rate buyers. According to the Terner Center, higher inclusionary requirements often lead to adjustments in size, design, or pricing, affecting overall housing quality.
Arguments Against Voluntary Inclusionary Housing
The biggest challenge with voluntary policies is inconsistent developer participation. If the market incentives aren’t strong enough, developers may choose not to include affordable units. A 2023 Urban Institute study showed that mandatory programs consistently outperform voluntary ones in delivering affordable housing.
Moreover, voluntary programs rarely meet equity goals; purely incentive-based models usually yield far fewer units. In New York City, Local Progress noted that fewer than 2,000 units were produced under the city’s voluntary policy over 30 years—far below the output after transitioning to a mandatory model.

Source: Wang and Balachandran (2021)
Recent and Future Developments
In San Francisco, developers of projects with ten or more units must dedicate 15 percent to Below-market-rate housing or pay an in-lieu fee. Optional programs like HOME-SF offer bonuses for up to 30 percent affordability.
In Austin, the new DB90 pilot program offers height bonuses for projects reserving 12 percent of units for affordable housing. A 2025 Planning Department memo recommends standardizing affordability requirements, improving transparency, and updating the tiered structure of current programs. Austin also operates the SMART Housing Program, which provides fee waivers for development permits in exchange for building onsite income-restricted units.
Conclusion
Mandatory inclusionary housing policies offer predictable affordability outcomes and promote integration, but they may suppress development without balancing incentives. Voluntary approaches encourage flexibility but often fall short of meeting equity and supply goals. Cities like Portland are experimenting with hybrid models that tailor requirements to local conditions, while federal agencies like HUD explore how to better align national programs with local affordability strategies.
Mandatory vs. Voluntary Inclusionary Housing: What Cities Are Doing to Create Affordable Homes was first published by ACE and republished with permission.
Suthida Boonlek is a dedicated researcher with a strong background in language and intercultural communication.
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Rebuilding Democracy in the Age of Brain Rot
Nov 23, 2025
We live in a time when anyone with a cellphone carries a computer more powerful than those that sent humans to the moon and back. Yet few of us can sustain a thought beyond a few seconds. One study suggested that the average human attention span dropped from about 12 seconds in 2000 to roughly 8 seconds by 2015—although the accuracy of this figure has been disputed (Microsoft Canada, 2015 Attention Spans Report). Whatever the number, the trend is clear: our ability to focus is not what it used to be.
This contradiction—constant access to unlimited information paired with a decline in critical thinking—perfectly illustrates what Oxford named its 2024 Word of the Year: “brain rot.” More than a funny meme, it represents a genuine threat to democracy. The ability to deeply engage with issues, weigh rival arguments, and participate in collective decision-making is key to a healthy democratic society. When our capacity for focus erodes due to overstimulation, distraction, or manufactured outrage, it weakens our ability to exercise our role as citizens.
The Collapse of Civic Thought
Those old cartoons about how the internet ruins our attention spans were once funny, but technology has quietly and profoundly altered how we think and interact with the world. Social media rewards speed and emotion, valuing reaction over reflection. In this environment, sustained attention and thoughtful analysis have become rare skills. The overwhelming volume of content fractures our focus, making it harder to process complex ideas or engage in meaningful dialogue. As nuance gives way to outrage, the space for deliberation shrinks, and public discourse suffers.
We’re drowning in an ocean of information and struggling to make sense of it all. People don’t know which sources to trust, civic knowledge is slipping, and news feeds become background noise. The problem isn’t data—it’s how to think. When emotion replaces understanding in public debate, public life spirals into outrage and distraction.
The Politics of Cognitive Decline
Bad actors have learned to weaponize this situation. The erosion of critical thinking makes manipulation easy. Politics becomes performance—presidential decrees, culture-war theatrics, and partisan spectacles dominate while genuine policymaking disappears.
Take, for example, the extended recess called by House Speaker Mike Johnson during the longest government shutdown in history. Instead of negotiating to end the crisis, the House abstained entirely from governing, leaving even Republicans anxious (Politico, October 9, 2025). Johnson’s decision prioritized optics and posturing over the hard work of legislating. The Founders envisioned a republic of educated citizens making informed political choices. Instead, we have a politics consumed as entertainment, and demagogues thrive in the confusion.
“Brain rot” isn’t just a symptom—it’s a strategy for a political system drifting toward authoritarianism. It dulls public resistance and normalizes authoritarian behavior.
It starts with the president himself. His rise is rooted in the social media pathologies previously noted. Outrage-driven engagement and short attention cycles comprise his political brand. Each Truth Social or X post, feud, or headline reinforces a feedback loop in which spectacle drives support and policy fades further into the background.
Rebuilding the Cognitive Commons
There’s no going back with technology, and with AI’s rise, misinformation will only spread faster. But the war isn’t lost. Rebuilding democracy requires reviving the capacity to think freely and collectively—and that begins with education.
Technology and AI amplify misinformation, but democracy can be rebuilt through education. Fortunately, there are role models for reclaiming our attention. Illinois pioneered media literacy requirements in public high schools (Illinois Law), while California integrated digital literacy across core subjects (California Law). Beyond the U.S., Finland sets a global standard by teaching students, from the earliest grades, how to recognize propaganda and resist manipulation—skills embedded throughout its national curriculum (Media Literacy Index; Finnish Curriculum).
If Congress were functioning normally, it could reinforce state efforts by tying Title I and Title II funding to evidence‑based media‑literacy and civic‑reasoning standards, requiring school districts to report progress similar to math and reading scores, and expanding Department of Education grants for civics innovation labs—local partnerships that teach students how to verify claims, evaluate evidence, and understand how misinformation spreads. These reforms would help rebuild the cognitive tools on which democracy depends.
These reforms prioritize debate, logic, and media literacy over rote learning and ideological conformity. They provide models for teaching people to evaluate competing claims, spot manipulation, and engage in reasoned disagreement—skills essential for democratic citizenship that are fast disappearing from classrooms. Too often, high schools and universities emphasize technical mastery at the expense of civic understanding. We must give equal value to both in the education process.
Renewal Through Reflection
Democracy today resembles the brain of someone in recovery: overstimulated, fatigued, and searching for clarity. Renewal will not come from AI or political saviors but from our decision to reclaim our collective attention from those who profit by dividing it. In a world built for distraction, the most radical act is to listen, reflect, and think for ourselves.
Bottom line: The cure for our societal brain rot requires us to practice vigilance together, to question constantly, and to summon the courage to think clearly even when confusion is easier. Governments can help with this project, but ultimately it is a decision each one of us must make for ourselves.
Robert Cropf is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Louis University.
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Former NYC Mayor Rudy Giuliani, September 11, 2025 in New York City.
(Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)
Trump's Clemency for Giuliani et al is Another Effort to Whitewash History and Damage Democracy
Nov 23, 2025
In the earliest days of the Republic, Alexander Hamilton defended giving the president the exclusive authority to grant pardons and reprieves against the charge that doing so would concentrate too much power in one person’s hands. Reading the news of President Trump’s latest use of that authority to reward his motley crew of election deniers and misfit lawyers, I was taken back to what Hamilton wrote in 1788.
He argued that “The principal argument for reposing the power of pardoning in this case to the Chief Magistrate is this: in seasons of insurrection or rebellion, there are often critical moments, when a well- timed offer of pardon to the insurgents or rebels may restore the tranquility of the commonwealth; and which, if suffered to pass unimproved, it may never be possible afterwards to recall.”
“The dilatory process of convening the legislature, or one of its branches,” Hamilton continued, “for the purpose of obtaining its sanction to the measure, would frequently be the occasion of letting slip the golden opportunity.”
Never did Hamilton imagine that the Chief Magistrate would one day be the insurrectionist-in-chief and that he would use the clemency power to spare his fellow insurrectionists, people like Rudy Guiliani, Trump’s lawyer during the 2020 election fight; Mark Meadows, his former chief of staff; Sidney Powell, Jenna Ellis and John Eastman who played key roles in concocting and carrying out the scheme to keep Trump in power.
The president also granted clemency to “all United States citizens for conduct relating to the advice, creation, organization, execution, submission, support, voting activities, participation in or advocacy for or of any slate or proposed slate of presidential electors … as well for any conduct relating to their efforts to expose voting fraud and vulnerabilities in the 2020 presidential election.”
MSNBC’s Hayes Brown gets it right when he says, “Trump has been moving to rewrite history, in effect declaring that there was nothing shady at all about his plotting.”
There is little citizens can do to prevent the president from abusing his clemency power. But it is the responsibility of everyone who values constitutional order to resist this effort to rewrite history. That means making sure that schools, libraries, and museums accurately convey the truth about what happened when the president and his allies conspired to overturn an election.
Before looking at Trump’s latest gambit to whitewash history and turn the story of an insurrection into a glorious affirmation of democracy, let me say more about Hamilton’s thoughts about the pardon power.
Hamilton had the difficult job of convincing his countrymen that it was better to give the president the prerogative that had heretofore been vested in monarchs instead of in the legislature or a council of wise people. As he argued, “Humanity and good policy conspire to dictate, that the benign prerogative of pardoning should be as little as possible fettered or embarrassed. The criminal code of every country partakes so much of necessary severity, that without an easy access to exceptions in favor of unfortunate guilt, justice would wear a countenance too sanguinary and cruel.”
Hamilton believed that giving the pardon power to a single person would encourage a “sense of responsibility” in its use. He hoped that “The reflection that the fate of a fellow-creature depended on his sole fiat, would naturally inspire scrupulousness and caution…” in the president.
As smart as Hamilton was, I guess one cannot fault him for not anticipating that America would one day be led by someone like Donald Trump.
Having just lived through Shays Rebellion, an uprising in Massachusetts in response to a post-Revolutionary War debt crisis, Hamilton worried that treasonous sentiments in the populace would more likely be shared by the representatives of the people in Congress than by the president. He didn’t foresee a situation where a president like Trump would foster such sentiments in the people, as a way to hold onto power.
As the commentator, George Cassidy Payne notes, “Hamilton’s writings suggest that the pardon power should be reserved for extraordinary circumstances where the public interest is paramount.” It turned out that Hamilton did not think that George Washington’s first use of the pardon power in 1795, to spare participants in another domestic uprising, was one of those circumstances.
Hamilton’s hopes have informed the way others have understood the president’s clemency power. The Supreme Court has said that clemency is not a “private act of grace.” It is “part of the Constitutional scheme,” and should be used to further “the public welfare.”
Well, there is nothing about what the president did for Giuliani et al. that furthers “the public welfare,” despite protestations to the contrary. The pardons didn’t even offer much help to their recipients.
As the Washington Post explains, “(N)one of the more than 75 people listed has been charged with federal crimes, though several have been prosecuted in states including Georgia, Arizona, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Nevada for roles in the alleged scheme to submit fake electors during Congress’s ratification of the 2020 vote. As president, Trump has no authority to pardon people facing state-level charges.”
“Still,” the Post adds, “the clemency — granted to key figures who have faced years of scrutiny by local prosecutors, congressional committees and local bar associations — signaled Trump’s continued focus on relitigating his 2020 defeat and furthering false claims of widespread voter fraud in current elections.”
Recall the president’s earlier decision to pardon more than 1,500 people who participated in the January 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol, and you get a sense of Trump’s ambition to turn criminals into heroes while vilifying the Biden Administration. Karoline Leavitt, the president’s press secretary, made that clear when she said about those who received pardons, “These great Americans were persecuted and put through hell by the Biden Administration for challenging an election, which is the cornerstone of democracy….”
“Getting prosecuted for challenging results is something that happens in communist Venezuela, not the United States of America, and President Trump is putting an end to the Biden Regime’s communist tactics once and for all.”
In a statement accompanying the pardons, Edward Martin, who Trump appointed as the government’s Pardon Attorney in the Justice Department, expanded on Leavitt’s bogus claims. “For over 200 years, this nation held elections as our framers envisioned… whoever prevailed, citizens could be confident that their votes would count without dilution or diminishment.”
“This proud tradition died in 2020. For the first time in American history, partisan state and local officials relying on narrow exceptions for absentee voting and signature verification attempted to conduct a fully remote presidential election…. At the same time, biased media failed to accurately inform the American people of the unlawful actions taken to deprive our country of a free and fair election.”
Martin’s statement reads like a summary of President Trump’s greatest hits. It goes on for pages rehearsing baseless allegations of voting irregularity in Wisconsin, Michigan, Arizona, Pennsylvania, Georgia, New Mexico, and Nevada. It details the alleged failures of the Biden Justice Department to investigate fraud and misconduct in the 2020 election.
Martin defends the Trump campaign’s fake electors’ scheme, calling them by another name, “contingent electors.”
He argues that state-level prosecutions of the president’s co-conspirators are “Attempts by partisan state actors to shoehorn fanciful and concocted state law violations onto what are clearly federal constitutional obligations of the 2020 trump campaign.” Martin’s statement concludes that “a pardon recognizing the complete exoneration of the contingent electors and all who have been swept into this unjust vendetta against President Trump is appropriate and fully serves the interest of justice.”
The justice Martin speaks of is Trump-style justice. The president and his allies aim to utilize all the levers of the government, including pardons and the accompanying proclamations, to ensure that history will overlook the truth.
Such an effort has no place in a democracy. If citizens do their part, the president and his enablers will fail in their effort to portray what they did in 2020 as something other than an insurrection.
Austin Sarat is the William Nelson Cromwell professor of jurisprudence and political science at Amherst College.
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What the Success Academy Scandal Says About the Charter School Model
Nov 23, 2025
When I was running a school, I knew that every hour of my team’s day mattered. A well-prepared lesson, a timely phone call home to a parent, or a few extra minutes spent helping a struggling student were the kinds of investments that added up to better outcomes for kids.
That is why the leaked recording of Success Academy CEO Eva Moskowitz pressuring staff to lobby elected officials hit me so hard. In an audio first reported by Gothamist, she tells employees, “Every single one of you must make calls,” assigning quotas to contact lawmakers. On September 18th, the network of 59 schools canceled classes for its roughly 22,000 students to bring them to a political rally during the school day. What should have been time for teaching and learning became a political operation.
This is not simply about one leader’s poor judgment. It exposes a structural reality in the charter model. Unlike traditional public schools, charters must continually secure their share of taxpayer dollars, which creates pressures that blur the line between education and politics. Public money intended for classrooms can easily be redirected toward political activity.
Success Academy has a history of doing this, having mobilized staff and families for rallies during the early days of Mayor Bill de Blasio’s administration. More recently, charter leaders aimed pointed comments at Zohran Mamdani’s opposition to lifting the charter school cap in NYC beyond the current limit of 275, avoiding his name but making clear he was the target. That level of hostility toward an elected official’s policy stance edges close to electioneering and shows how charters use taxpayer resources and compromise public trust.
The pattern makes clear that this is not a one-time mistake but a recurring strategy. If a school cannot survive without turning its teachers and its students into a lobbying force, then it does not deserve to survive.
The costs of this pressure are real. Every hour assigned to calling legislators is an hour lost to lesson planning, supporting a struggling reader, or improving curriculum. Involving children in rallies goes even further, turning students into props for a cause they did not choose. Families send their children to school to learn, and taxpayers expect their dollars to fund classrooms, not political campaigns.
I know from personal experience how easily this kind of mission drift happens. As a charter school leader, I once sat through an anti-union presentation about blocking organizing. The tactic was different, but the impulse was the same: using institutional power to shape employees’ civic choices. Whether the issue is suppressing a union drive or directing staff to advocate for legislation, coercing political activity erodes trust and undermines the purpose of schools.
Charter networks have also invested heavily in professional lobbying. Families for Excellent Schools, a former NYC advocacy group for charters, once spent nearly $10 million on lobbying in a single year in New York. Success Academy itself reported $160,000 in federal lobbying in 2024. Those outlays are legal. But was Moskowitz trying to save money by conscripting educators and even students into the work that paid lobbyists usually do? That is legally questionable. The fact that someone on the inside took the risk to leak the recording shows some recognition of how inappropriate these practices were.
Lawmakers have already taken notice. State Senators John Liu and Shelley Mayer called the Moskowitz rally “an egregious misuse of instructional time and state funds” and urged a formal investigation.
Publicly funded institutions should never compel political participation, and clear boundaries protect everyone. Leaders know their limits, employees know their rights, and families can trust that students will not be pulled into political theater.
Policy reforms can strengthen those boundaries. Oregon bars employers from disciplining workers who refuse to attend political or religious meetings, and Connecticut bans mandatory political meetings outright. New York should adopt similar protections and go further for publicly funded schools. Any requirement that employees engage in political lobbying during work hours or with public resources should be explicitly prohibited. Students should never be taken out of class to participate in political events.
Some will argue this is only one leader’s excess. That response ignores the incentives built into a model that ties school growth and charter renewal to political capital. Unless lawmakers act, the cycle will repeat. The safer and fairer path is to set boundaries that keep politics out of the school day, protect staff from coercion, and safeguard children’s learning.
When I left school leadership, a mentor told me, “The real test of a model is what it makes people do under pressure.” The Success Academy scandal is a test for the charter sector, and it’s failing. Institutions that rely on coerced speech to sustain themselves are not just bending rules; they are breaking faith with the families and taxpayers who fund them.
Ismael Loera is the Director of People and Culture at Room to Grow and a Paul and Daisy Soros and Public Voices Fellow with the OpEd Project.
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