Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

States add early voting, and women could benefit — but it’s complicated

women voters

Katie Jane of Edgewater, Colo., votes at Edgewater City Hall on Nov. 3, 2020.

Marc Piscotty/Getty Images

Originally published by The 19th.

On the last day of May, Sylvia Skeeter walked into a small elections office in Moncks Corner, South Carolina — a town of about 8,000 people north of Charleston — and cast a ballot ahead of the state’s Tuesday primary.

Skeeter recalled waiting more than an hour to vote in 2020 at the nearby school that served as her polling place, staying in line even as others gave up and left. Some openly expressed the need to get to work or to take care of family obligations.

Skeeter said she was prepared to wait this time, too. But there was no line. She was in and out of the office within minutes.

“It was pretty smooth,” said the 63-year-old, who added, “Which was surprising.”

Skeeter is one of more than 100,000 people who voted early in person during a two-week period before South Carolina’s primary — the first time the state offered an Election Day-style voting option following legislation passed in May in the Republican-controlled legislature.

Women like Skeeter are among the people most likely to benefit from such an expanded voting option, which has become more available in recent years. In states with in-person early voting, 77 percent of women registered voters turned out in 2020, compared with 72 percent in states without it, according to a data analysis by Voting Rights Lab, a nonpartisan organization that tracks voting legislation and advocates for more voting access. And the longer the period of early voting, the more women turn out, according to the group.


A number of states, led by both Democrats and Republicans, have expanded or are considering expanding in-person early voting. Only a handful don’t offer any early in-person options, and that number is likely to drop even further this year, according to the Movement Advancement Project (MAP), a nonprofit that tracks election legislation.

But it’s complicated: Some legislatures are at the same time placing limits on the times and dates of in-person early voting. Others are restricting other forms of voting like vote-by-mail, largely as a consequence of debunked allegations of widespread voter fraud that spread in the wake of the 2020 election and are at the center of ongoing congressional hearings on the January 6 insurrection. The full impact of these expansions and restrictions on voter turnout are still unknown.

In Missouri, the Republican-controlled legislature last month passed a bill that would create a two-week in-person early voting period; it awaits the governor’s signature. In Kentucky, lawmakers last year approved three days of in-person early voting. Connecticut voters will vote on a ballot referendum this November that would allow in-person early voting. This year, Delaware will have in-person early voting for at least 10 days before an election — the result of legislation signed in 2019.

The expansion of early in-person voting could be good news for women, who register to vote in the United States at higher rates than men — they cast about 10 million more ballots in recent elections, according to the Center for American Women and Politics. In 2020, 68 percent of registered women voters cast ballots, compared with 65 percent of men, according to Voting Rights Lab’s analysis of U.S. Census data.

“It is important and meaningful that so many states across the political spectrum are changing their laws to offer early voting for the first time, and to expand and improve on existing systems,” said Liz Avore, vice president for law and policy at Voting Rights Lab.

Since women are more likely to be caregivers or hourly workers, they often face more hurdles to voting if their options and hours to cast a ballot are limited.

“When you look at the intersectional barriers that people face, whether they’re working class, students, working parents, single parents, and then obviously having the inflexible schedule that you usually have when you’re working low-wage jobs, it can disproportionately impact women,” said Christina Das with the Legal Defense Fund. “It makes all the sense that those people couldn’t turn out on a traditional 12-hour Election Day.”

Still, voting rights advocates say they’re concerned with the new restrictions on vote-by-mail, a method that is also popular with women. Voting Rights Lab’s analysis also shows women turned out in higher numbers in states that made it easy to vote by mail. Registered women voters turned out at a rate of 77 percent in states that mailed all voters a ballot or allowed people to vote by mail without an excuse. The rate was 71 percent in states that required an excuse to vote by mail or did not mail all voters a ballot. Voting Rights Lab says its analysis cannot determine direct causation.

In the lead-up to the 2020 election, many states expanded vote-by-mail and other forms of voting to accommodate public health needs at the height of the pandemic. The end result was record voter turnout, an increase in vote-by-mail, and the most secure election in U.S. history.

While vote-by-mail has long been popular with Republicans, some GOP legislators have now been calling for it to be less available while Democrat-led states have codified its use.

Voting Rights Lab estimates at least 13 states restricted vote-by-mail in 2021, and at least five states have approved restrictions this year. Those restrictions include shortening the period for voters to return a ballot and requiring new forms of identification. In Texas, a law passed in 2021 changed rules around the information that a voter must fill out to vote by mail. More than 12 percent, or more than 24,000 mail-in ballots, were rejected earlier this year.

“In 2020, despite the coronavirus pandemic, we saw record turnout in the election, and that was due in part to many states temporarily expanding these options to vote outside of Election Day and outside of the polling place — whether it was due to convenience or people wanting to avoid illness,” said Brian Hinkle, senior voting policy researcher for MAP. “Since then we’ve seen a lot of that roll back to pre-pandemic levels and then roll back even further.”

Missouri’s bill that expands in-person early voting also banned the use of drop boxes, a receptacle that allows voters to securely return absentee ballots outside of regular election voting hours. The legislation also requires voters to have photo identification to vote.

Valencia Richardson focuses on local-level election compliance issues for the nonprofit Campaign Legal Center. She said strict restrictions on voter identification raise logistical registration problems for women who are part of marginalized communities.

“It all comes down to: The more barriers you’re putting up, the less likely a voter with limited time — which includes caregivers, which includes low-income voters — have the ability to surmount those barriers,” she said.

And South Carolina’s in-person early voting has its own limitations. It was available May 31 through June 10, but not June 4 and June 5 — the only weekend days in that period. Early voting hours were 8:30 a.m to 5 p.m., traditional work hours that advocates say can exclude low-wage workers. In November’s general election, in-person early voting will include Saturdays and extend until 6 p.m.

Sylvia Albert is the national voting and elections director for Common Cause, an organization that works to expand voting. She recommended longer hours and weekends for in-person early voting.

“Hourly wage earners, single parents, caregivers — the reason that they wouldn’t be able to go on the first Tuesday of November is because they work a 9-to-5 job that does not allow them flexibility. So early voting in those same hours on weekdays often will not benefit those people,” she said. “That’s why weekend hours are so important. That’s why evening hours are so important. That’s why it’s essential to have options so that we can meet the voters where they are.”

Albert also pointed out that the South Carolina law specifies that in-person early voting is prohibited on Sundays, a day that is popular for Black churchgoers who are encouraged to vote after services.

“The devil’s in the details,” she said. “So something that sounds good, actually might not end up providing access.”

Das said states like South Carolina that are now touting in-person early voting should also offer more locations to vote. Some counties in the state maintained only one site for in-person early voting

“It’s a big win, but there are logistical hurdles,” she said.

Skeeter, a city government retiree, said she was able to vote early in-person during the available hours. But she noted that her sister, who works at a jail, was unable to take advantage. Skeeter said even with a recent day off in the middle of the work week, her sister had other responsibilities. She ultimately voted on Election Day.

“On her day off, she has to try to do everything that she missed, doctor’s appointments, whatever else has come up because she only gets so many days off and then she works 12-hour shifts,” Skeeter said.

Skeeter, who also worked as a poll monitor on Tuesday, said she was pleased to see robust turnout in some of the polling places she visited this week. She has seen more messaging, both in radio and in church, for people to treat the primary as if it were a major election.

“I think people are starting to get it,” she said. “Still, just from my own observation, I wish more of us got it and understood that it is important that you vote in the primaries as well.”


Read More

The Future of DEI in Higher Education: Unpacking Recent Federal Restrictions
A group of people standing in a circle with their hands together

The Future of DEI in Higher Education: Unpacking Recent Federal Restrictions

This nonpartisan policy brief, written by an ACE fellow, is republished by The Fulcrum as part of our partnership with the Alliance for Civic Engagement and our NextGen initiative — elevating student voices, strengthening civic education, and helping readers better understand democracy and public policy.

Key Takeaways

  • Diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs serve diverse student populations at colleges and universities across the nation. DEI programs in higher education have traditionally supported first-generation college students, students with disabilities, veterans, low-income students, and racial and ethnic minorities through offices, scholarships, cultural centers, and accessibility services.
  • Federal initiatives, such as TRIO or the Full-Service Community Schools program, are facing cuts to funding due to DEI-related federal policy, affecting students across the nation.

Defining DEI

From debates surrounding race-conscious admission policies to questions about the role and funding of identity-based student centers, Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) has become a widely debated topic in higher education policy. DEI refers to institutional policies and programs–such as mentorship opportunities, cultural centers, and support programs–which improve campus climate and student access for underrepresented groups. Though many colleges and universities across the United States have developed DEI initiatives aimed at shaping student access and institutional priorities, recent legal and policy developments have raised questions about how these efforts align with federal law.

Keep ReadingShow less
Rear view of teenage boy walking with arm around friends

Why many young men feel politically and socially adrift, how changing gender roles affect masculinity, self-esteem, relationships, and the future of society.

Maskot / Getty Images

Lost Boys - What Is the Role of a Man in Today's Society?

A recent New York Times article stated that young males who provided an important swing vote for Trump in 2024 are discouraged by what Trump has done and not done while in office. But they are nevertheless not particularly inclined to vote Democratic because they don't see the Party as welcoming their view of masculinity and they don't know where they fit in this society.

These young men assume that because the Party supports equality for women in the workplace and because many young women no longer have marriage and having children at the top of their agenda, the Party would not be a welcoming home for them. They see themselves as striving for the masculinity of their fathers' or grandfathers' day, where the man was the breadwinner in the family and had respect and authority. Not the weaker half in relationships with women.

Keep ReadingShow less
Showing Up and Staying: Disaster Relief in an Age of Distrust

NECHAMA volunteers in Western North Carolina after Hurricane Helene.

Showing Up and Staying: Disaster Relief in an Age of Distrust

As the Atlantic hurricane season officially began on June 1, disaster response organizations across the country are preparing for the next storm. That preparation includes coordinating logistics, purchasing supplies, training volunteers, and strengthening partnerships. It now also requires planning for an environment shaped by misinformation, distrust, and competing narratives.

A recent 60 Minutes segment examining extremist groups in disaster zones highlighted how quickly public perceptions can form after a disaster. Recovery efforts are now followed by outside groups and online networks attempting to influence how events are understood while communities are still in crisis.

Keep ReadingShow less
How State Courts Can Help Deflect the Supreme Court’s Latest Blow to Multiracial Democracy

Black and white illustration of voters

State Court Report

How State Courts Can Help Deflect the Supreme Court’s Latest Blow to Multiracial Democracy

With its April ruling in Louisiana v. Callais, the Supreme Court delivered yet another blow to the Voting Rights Act, specifically Section 2, which governs race in redistricting. The decision was sad and utterly predictable, but still nothing short of astonishing. Justice Samuel Alito wrote for the Court’s conservative supermajority, stealthily setting aside 40 years of legal precedent under Section 2 largely on the belief that racism is a thing of the past and extreme partisan gerrymandering is, in effect, a fundamental right of state lawmakers. Callais had a tortured path to the Court, a feature of the case that has undoubtedly been eclipsed by the lawless nature of the ruling itself, all of which reveals that the Supreme Court represents the gravest threat to multiracial democracy in the United States. (I argued as much in a law review article, predicting the outcome and analyzing the ways a Court gone rogue might get to that ruling.)

What’s more? In recent years, the Court has played fast and loose with a “principle” purportedly meant to limit chaos around elections, known as Purcell. But instead of limiting chaos, the Court’s Purcell jurisprudence will hasten and aggrandize the already-problematic impact of the Callais ruling. As the nation’s redistricting wars inevitably continue — in this election season, the 2028 presidential campaign, and even the next decade — state courts can help stave off democratic erosion by resisting the urge to invoke Purcell.

Keep ReadingShow less