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My center-right principles led me to embrace Ranked Choice Voting. Here's why.

My center-right principles led me to embrace Ranked Choice Voting. Here's why.
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Nate is a Communications Consultant for RepresentUS, a nonpartisan organization focused on minimizing corruption in the U.S. political system.

I have an embarrassing confession to make: I’m a political junkie, but I didn’t vote in the last two federal elections.


As a center-right voter, wholly disillusioned with the direction of my former party, I refuse to “hold my nose” and vote for candidates who don’t reflect my values. Friends, family, and the internet try to browbeat me into voting for one of the major party’s candidates by telling me that not doing so is the equivalent of voting for “the other side.”

But America is the land of opportunity and unlimited options. In a country where we have literally hundreds of deodorant choices, we are also told that elections have only two options.

In a free market, supply meets consumer demand; in our democratic republic, elected officials should reflect the voters’ demands. But thanks to the two-party duopoly, most Americans feel that their elected officials simply don’t reflect their values. A recent Gallup poll found that a record 49 percent of voters identify as politically independent.

I could sit here and complain about my sense of political homelessness until I’m blue in the face. Instead, I’m choosing to fight for my voice and my values. That’s why I’m working to promote Ranked Choice Voting (RCV), a simple but important change to our voting system that gives us more choice and more voice.

RCV is an extremely simple process. Instead of agonizing over which candidate to choose, voters rank candidates in order of preference. If no one receives a majority of the vote, the candidate with the least votes is removed, and voters who selected them as their first choice have their votes reallocated to their second choice. The process continues until one candidate has a majority. This way, we no longer need to worry about voting strategically or otherwise “wasting” our votes.

Most importantly, RCV empowers us to reject the “lesser of two evils” because we can now demand better than the “evil of two lessers.”

With RCV, candidates are incentivized to build positive, issues-focused campaigns. They are motivated to reach communities and voters they might otherwise have ignored. And under RCV, good candidates aren’t at risk of “spoiling” elections, and bad candidates can’t win just by demonizing their opponents.

A majority of Americans, including half of Republicans, support RCV. It’s the politicians who don’t.

Recently, a lawmaker told me they supported RCV in theory, but were concerned they could “get flanked by a moderate and lose.” What they were really saying was, “I’m worried that RCV would allow a candidate who better represents the interests and values of my district to beat me.”

And that’s the trouble with implementing RCV. Republican and Democrat politicians alike oppose RCV because they’re afraid that it will give voters more choice and more power, and that’s a troubling thought for most politicians.

In these polarizing times, it’s easy to think that any political issue inherently benefits one side or the other. But that isn’t the case here. RCV has broad support from voters across the political spectrum, and it may be the only thing that can heal our deepening political divide.

If you want our elected leaders to better reflect our priorities and become more responsive to the will of their constituents, then RCV is for you. We can do so much better than a system where most of us passively check the box for one of only two parties. We can build a better system that encourages our active engagement in the political process — and that starts with RCV.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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