Minta is a Professor in the University of Minnesota Political Science Department and a Board Member at FairVote Minnesota.
As part of an effort to end divisive and negative election campaigns and polarized governance, U.S. election officials and policymakers are turning to ranked choice voting (RCV), otherwise known as instant runoff voting, to make our elections more civil, fair, and representative.
More than 60 jurisdictions use ranked-choice elections, including two states, Maine and Alaska. RCV allows voters to rank candidates and ensures that the winning candidate has earned a majority of voter support. Under our current plurality system, candidates in crowded races can win with only small bases of support, but RCV ensures that the winner is the most widely supported candidate.
While most national media and political commentary have focused on the reform in Alaska and Maine, it's actually a state in the middle of the country that has been leading the way for over a decade and now has a chance to grow RCV even further – Minnesota.
As a Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota, I became interested in the potential of RCV to change the dynamics of electoral contests in our increasingly polarized political system. I am excited about the potential of this reform, and I am pleased to see lawmakers in the Minnesota Legislature take action on this important reform this year. While changes continue to be made, the current version of RCV legislation would provide a local option, giving more local officials the opportunity to implement RCV in a fashion that benefits their communities, and would also set up a task force to study and make recommendations for RCV adoption and implementation statewide. If the legislation passes, it would represent a broad expansion of RCV in a state where currently only charter cities, just a small percentage of cities, have the ability to adopt RCV, and would continue the state’s leadership on this simple but powerful reform.
Minneapolis adopted RCV by ballot measure in 2006 and first used ranked-choice elections in 2009, becoming the first city in the Midwest to use RCV. Four other cities in Minnesota have since followed: St. Paul, St. Louis Park, Minnetonka and Bloomington. The data on use of RCV over the past decade in Minnesota and around the country are promising. First, RCV positively impacts voter participation. In local nonpartisan elections, RCV eliminates the need for a local primary or runoff and allows all voters to consider the full slate of candidates in a single election when turnout is higher and more representative of the community. Having a single, more representative local election is especially important for communities of color who are underrepresented in primaries and runoffs.
RCV fosters more competitive races that contribute to higher voter turnout. For example, in Minneapolis, voter turnout for municipal elections has increased by nearly 24 percentage-points since 2005, the last election under the old system, with RCV directly responsible for an estimated 9.6-percentage-point increase in mayoral election turnout. Voter turnout has increased in other cities using RCV as well.
Second and not surprisingly, voters like RCV. Since RCV provides voters with more choice and voice in affecting the outcome of the election, voters are more satisfied with the electoral experience than under a plurality system, where votes can be wasted or spoiled. Polling of voters in ranked-choice elections backs this up. In 2021, 76 percent of Minneapolis voters and 61 percent of Bloomington voters reported that they like RCV and want to continue using it for municipal elections. Similarly, in 2019, 79 percent of Saint Louis Park voters said they want to continue using RCV in future municipal elections.
Despite claims that RCV might be challenging for voters, data shows that voters in ranked-choice elections – across all ethnic groups – overwhelmingly find it simple to use, including 85 percent of voters in Alaska, 95 percent of voters in New York City, and 86 percent of voters in Utah. This is consistent with data from Minnesota’s ranked-choice elections with voters overwhelmingly reporting that RCV is easy to use, across all demographic groups. In fact, a 2019 study of ranked-choice elections found little differences in how White, Black, and Latino voters reported understanding RCV.
Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that RCV benefits both candidates and voters of color. Candidates of color are much more likely to run and win in higher numbers. Unlike our current system, candidates of color in ranked-choice elections are not penalized by vote splitting when competing against other candidates of the same racial or ethnic group. RCV has increased opportunities for candidates of color to run and win in Minnesota cities that have adopted this voting system. In 2021, more than half of the candidates were women or people of color in Bloomington, and voters elected a woman and the first openly gay member to the open seat on the Bloomington City Council, and in Minneapolis, for the first time in history, a majority of Minneapolis city council members were people of color. We have seen similar benefits in cities across the country, from New York City to Salt Lake City where RCV helped to elect the most diverse city councils in history.
Finally, since candidates increase their chances of winning by earning the second-choice votes of their opponent’s supporters, candidates are incentivized to appeal beyond their base, to a broader range of voters and to avoid negative attacks. Minnesota voters report that campaigns are more civil under RCV and that candidates spent no or very little time criticizing each other. Given the increasing polarization of our political system, we really need to look at reforms that can change those dangerous dynamics.
While RCV is not a panacea for all our democracy woes, it is a promising and simple change we can make to counter our divisive politics, make our elections more inclusive, and strengthen our democracy, and with this year's legislation, Minnesota can expand RCV and continue to lead the way.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.