Johnson is the executive director of the Election Reformers Network, a national nonpartisan organization advancing common-sense reforms to protect elections from polarization.
A year from now, in early December 2024, America could be confronting one of the toughest challenges a democracy can face -- one that voters are not well prepared for. In the next presidential election, some states will likely be won by very tight margins, close enough that one side may decide to legally challenge the results. That scenario, a close and contested election, can be tough on democracy in the best of circumstances. As we learned in 2020, in our bitterly divided country, it’s potentially explosive.
But “close and contested” doesn’t mean “tainted and suspicious” – and it’s critical that Americans understand that difference.
Sports have clear rules for what happens when a game ends in a tie, or when a team challenges a call by a referee. Baseball fans know a tie game goes into extra innings, and that both sides get a chance to score each inning. Pro football fans know teams can challenge a referee’s decision, but the ruling on the field stands unless there is clear video evidence to overturn it. These are often the most suspenseful parts of the game, but they certainly aren’t a surprise to fans, much less a sign of breakdown in the game itself. It’s inevitable that some games end in ties, and inevitable that some elections are close and contested.
Citizens can have full confidence that the response to a close and contested election won't be made up on the fly, but will be guided by laws and procedures clearly established in advance. Every state has laws addressing the core elements, including provisions for recounts and for legal challenges by competing candidates. These rules are anchored in the key principle that courts should decide election contests, because courts — even if sometimes imperfect —are uniquely designed to consider evidence and render judgment.
But having good rules in place is only half the battle. Where we are dangerously underprepared is in voter understanding of those rules.
In a country with extensive coverage of elections and civic campaigns explaining why and how to vote, there is remarkably little available information about contested elections. Websites of secretaries of state cover many election topics but often have nothing on the rules of “election overtime.” Post-election news programs track each step toward the announcement of the media-projected winner but give little attention to the process that decides the actual legal winner.
The absence of this information is increasingly dangerous. Many voters have all the intensity of the most passionate sports fans but none of their knowledge of the rules. Many stand ready, despite that lack of knowledge, to race onto the field in protest of perceived unfairness.
To illustrate the kind of awareness we need, consider how well most Americans understand core principles of trial by jury. From courtroom scenes in movies and television, Americans know almost intuitively that a conviction requires proof beyond a reasonable doubt, and any allegations must be backed with evidence tested in court.
Likewise, election results should be presumed accurate unless and until there is clear evidence to prove otherwise. A change in those results — and a change in outcome — not based on rigorous evidence exposed to cross examination in court would be deeply unfair.
The analogy that seems to prevail instead is one of taint and purity. From this perspective, any single violation makes a whole election suspect, even if that violation impacts far fewer votes than the margin of victory. A single flaw is often assumed to prove the proverbial tip of the iceberg. We would never accept a criminal conviction — or any kind of legal judgment — based on such vague and unsubstantiated allegations, and voters need to think about elections in the same way.
And we need help building that understanding from political reporters, news channels and the media more broadly. The organization I run, Election Reformers Network, ran a successful pilot in 2022 to provide networks of journalists with information to help them better explain close and contested elections to readers. We need similar programs across all swing states so information is in circulation long in advance of election day to help voters know what to expect.
State and local election officials should provide more information on these issues on their websites, which are such important sources of trusted information for voters. State Bar Associations could also help judges do a better job explaining election decisions in more accessible language for voters.
America led the way in developing democracy into the most important competition humans ever invented. Better understanding of its most important rules will ensure we pass down this great institution to many many generations ahead.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.